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Saturday, 14 October 2006
Low-caste Hindus adopt new faith
Thousands attended the Buddhist conversion ceremonies in Nagpur, India
Thousands attended the conversion ceremonies in Nagpur
Thousands of people have been attending mass ceremonies in India at which hundreds of low-caste Hindus (Dalits) converted to Buddhism and Christianity.
The events in the central city of Nagpur are part of a protest against the injustices of India's caste system.
By converting, Dalits - once known as Untouchables — can escape the prejudice and discrimination they normally face.
The ceremonies mark the 50th anniversary of the adoption of Buddhism by the scholar Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar.
He was the first prominent Dalit to urge low-caste Indians to embrace Buddhism.
As the chief architect of India's constitution, he wrote anti-discrimination provisions and quota systems into the country's law.
But four-fifths of India's Dalits live in often isolated rural areas, and traditional prejudice has persisted in spite of official laws.
'Cry for dignity'
The Dalits arrived by the truckload at a public park in Nagpur for ceremonies, which began with religious leaders giving fiery speeches against the treatment of lower castes.
DALIT FACTS
167m people, 16.2% of India's population
Nearly 60% live in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu states
The lowest rank in Hindu society, beneath the traditional caste system
Expected to perform the most menial jobs, particularly handling cadavers and human and animal waste
Physical contact with a Dalit was traditionally considered ritually polluting for other castes
Even converts to Christianity and Islam have encountered discrimination from higher-caste converts
Reuters reported that dozens of riot policemen had turned out at the sprawling park.
Udit Raj, a Dalit leader, told the BBC that around 2,500 people converted to Christianity and Buddhism.
Joseph D'Souza, the president of the Dalit Freedom Network and a Christian convert, described the conversions as a "celebratory occasion".
"I think it's important to understand that this is a cry for human dignity, it's a cry for human worth," he told the BBC.
He said that Dalits could seek dignity by converting to Christianity, Jainism or Sikhism as well as Buddhism.
Buddhist convert Dhammachari Manidhamma told the BBC that social equality was impossible within Hinduism.
"Buddha's teaching was for the humanity, and Buddha believed in equality.
"And Hindu religion, Hindu teaching is nothing but inequality.
Laws against conversion
Similar mass conversions are taking place this month in many other parts of India.
Several states governed by the Hindu nationalist party, the BJP, have introduced laws to make such conversions more difficult.
Dalits in Nagpur converting to Christianity and Buddhism
Hundreds of Dalits converted to Christianity and Buddhism
The states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Tamil Nadu have all passed laws restricting conversions.
Gujarat has reclassified Buddhism and Jainism as branches of the Hindu religion, in an attempt to prevent conversions away from Hinduism eroding the BJP's bedrock support.
Hinduism teaches that most humans were created from parts of the body of the divinity Purusha.
According to which body parts they were created from, humans fall into four basic castes which define their social standing, who they can marry, and what jobs they can do.
But Dalits fall outside this system and are traditionally prevented from doing all but the most menial jobs or even drinking from the same water sources as other castes.
SEE ALSO:
Country profile: India
31 Aug 06|Country profiles

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Steel plant at Kalinga Nagar

South Korean firm Posco plans a $12bn steel plant nearby.
Steel plant at Kalinga Nagar.
South Korean firm Posco plans a $12bn steel plant nearby
Sunday, 26 February 2006
Battle over Indian steel mills
By Mark Dummett
BBC News, Kalinga Nagar
Twenty years ago Kalinga Nagar, in the eastern state of Orissa, was a quiet area of paddy fields and forests, its villages relatively untouched by the mainstream of Indian life.
In another 20 years' time, according to a government plan, it will become a 13,000 acre industrial centre, with more than a dozen factories producing 25 million tonnes of steel a year.
There will be an airport, a hospital, schools and new houses supplied with water and electricity.
It is one of many ambitious schemes to make isolated and undeveloped corners of India economically productive.
Compensation
It is home to tribes people known as adivasis or "original inhabitants", who are among the poorest of India's rural poor.
But the area is also blessed with abundant quantities of untapped minerals, and has improving transport links to the outside world.
Nagendra Chakradhar
All kinds of promises have been made, but these factories only bring us misery
Farmer Nagendra Chakradhar
"It is simply one of the best places on earth to produce steel," a local government official boasted.
It is not far from where a South Korean firm, Posco, last year promised to build a steel plant costing $12bn — the biggest ever single foreign investment in India.
The only problem is that many of the people living in Kalinga Nagar, near the town of Jajpur, do not want to make way for the new factories.
They say the government is not offering them enough compensation, and that guarantees of jobs and resettlement cannot be trusted.
"All kinds of promises have been made, but these factories only bring us misery," farmer Nagendra Chakradhar said.
"If the government really wanted to help us they would give us water to irrigate our fields, and not bother with this industrialisation."
Deaths
On the other sides of the valley from Nagendra's farm, three giant plants are already up and running, their chimneys, gas flares and trucks throwing smoke and dust up into the air.
map of orissa
But on the first Monday of the year, when a fourth company, Tata Steel, started work on clearing land it had acquired, angry villagers armed with bows, arrows and axes, tried to block it.
There are different accounts of what happened next, but by the end of the day one policeman and 12 protesters had been killed.
Patches of dried blood still mark the battlefield, which has now been abandoned by the steel company's bulldozers to the villagers' cows and buffaloes.
"One of the men was shot in the leg.   This is where he fell, and where the police came and kicked him to death," local boy Ajay Deori said, pointing to a flattened patch of earth.
Since then, the chief of police has been transferred, a government inquiry set up and compensation promised.
The president of India's governing Congress Party, Sonia Gandhi, was among the first politicians to visit the site.
"My sympathies are with the bereaved families," she said.
But there were reports that bodies had also been mutilated, and the area remains tense.
'Duped'
Beside the field where some of the victims were cremated, villagers have dragged tree trunks and rocks into the road to block traffic to and from Kalinga Nagar.
Funeral in Orissa

Twelve protesters were killed
Funeral in Orissa
Twelve protesters were killed
"The government has duped the people," village leader Chakradhar Haibru protested.   "The blockade will continue until our demands are met."
Most important of these is that payments for the land are stepped up.
Mr Haibru complains that the government made a huge profit on the land.
He alleges it bought from the villagers more than a decade ago at one price, then sold the site to Tata Steel for a much higher one.
Mr Haibru also complains that many people did not receive any money since their traditional rights to the land were not recognised.
"First the government should give us the records of our rights to the land.   Only then will we negotiate with them."
The Orissa government said the killings were a tragic mistake, and that it was now listening to the villagers' demands.
"We are open to any kind of suggestions for the betterment of the stakeholders as well as for the displaced people," the chief official for the area, Dr Avind Badhi, explained.
He added that state ministers would soon consider increasing payments for the land, and make sure the factories provided the jobs they promised.
'Pro-poor'
Roadblock

The road to the proposed site remains blocked
Roadblock
The road to the proposed site remains blocked
Community leaders in the region warn that unless the government gets it right, protests could spread.
There are big industrial developments planned across mineral-rich Orissa and the rest of India's "tribal belt".
Adding to the pressure are the Naxalites, an armed Maoist insurgency operating in eastern India, which claims to be fighting on behalf of marginalised rural communities.
The government argues the best way to improve the lives of the tribal people is for the developments to go ahead.   Dr Badhi described the Kalinga Nagar plan as "pro-poor".
"The protection of the tribals as well as the displaced people must be our priority.   The benefits must trickle down to the needy, to the poor, to the displaced persons," he said.
SEE ALSO:
Gandhi pays homage to Orissa dead
11 Jan 06 | South Asia
Thousands attend tribal funeral
04 Jan 06 | South Asia
Protest at steel mill shootings
03 Jan 06 | South Asia
Six die in India steel plant demo
02 Jan 06 | South Asia

Driven from their land
The dispossessed and poverty-stricken people of Orissa in India are fighting back, says Randeep Ramesh in the state capital Bhubaneshwar
Monday January 24, 2005
Bharata Sabara clearly remembers the day some five years ago when the forest department officials came to his village with an eviction order.
"They came and told us all to get out.   When we said no, they brought in tractors and workmen to scare us.   My family had always been here.   Where would I go?"
The hamlet of Rampur, in the dense teak forests of the east Indian state of Orissa, could do little to resist the newcomers.   Strangers fenced off the forest, putting up boards emblazoned with the names of plantation companies.
Rampur was slowly being erased from local maps because its inhabitants did not have patta (deeds) to the land.   Since local people had always cultivated fields in the forest, they had assumed the land was theirs.
Refusing to leave their mud and thatched homes, Rampur's 25 families have become encircled by a police camp, plantations and forests protected by environmental laws.   Unable to grow produce on their ancestral land and with no 'patta' to access state welfare services, the villagers are now fighting a losing war against poverty.
The villagers are all from the Soara tribe, a people with a distinctive language and culture whose rural way of life had been untouched for hundreds of years.
Now most of the men are forced to leave for months at a time to work on construction sites in faraway cities, earning 60 Rupees (70p) a day.   Meals consist of little more than a boiled root vegetable called Kandha, which looks like a large hairy relative of ginger.
"Without patta we have no school, no electricity.   We cannot get government support to build houses or get subsidised food because we cannot prove where we live.   I lost two sons because they died hungry," says Bharata as his remaining 12-year-old emaciated son, Durjya, folds himself onto the floor.
Rampur's story is a familiar one in Orissa, an Indian state rich in resources but mired in poverty.   Especially acute is the plight of adivasis (tribals) and dalits (untouchables), who come from the lowest rungs of Indian society and make up more than 40% of Orissa's population.
While land is being grabbed away from villagers, they also face threats of violence and extortion from local mafias and corrupt officials.   Extreme left-wing groups have tapped the rising anger in the rural areas to wage low intensity guerrilla wars making tracts of Orissa and neighbouring Andhra Pradesh no-go areas.
"The poor were never told they needed a land title, so they never got one.   Instead they are left in poverty, open to exploitation and corruption.   It is only a matter of time before they pick up the gun.   We have to act now," says PV Rajgopal, the national convener of Ekta Parishad, an organisation which lobbies for land rights and is supported by Concern in Orissa.
Ekta Parishad employs Gandhian methods of political pressure and non-violent civil disobedience to campaign for land reform.   Earlier this year, the organisation launched a month-long padyatra (foot march) through Orissa with thousands of dispossessed people.
When the marchers ended up in the state capital, Bhubaneshwar, Orissa's chief minister announced a task force to "prevent exploitation" of tribal people.
"We will be holding the government to account if they do not seriously address the problems of the poor," says Mr Rajgopal.
The problem is not a lack of good intentions, but a lack of good outcomes.   Mr Rajgopal points out that India has long had land reform acts, but they have never been implemented effectively.   After half a century of independence, two fifths of people in the country are either absolutely or near landless.
"Instead factories and plantations which began at 40 acres have grown to become 4,000 acres.   This is a systematic encroachment of the land and resources of poor people."
While land reform laws remain off the statute books, environmental legalisation has been rigorously enforced as concern rises over India's diminishing forests and the cover these provide for wildlife and fauna.
The result is that under an undefined 'public interest', India's Forest Conservation Act of 1980 can be used by local state governments to evict indigenous people from their homelands.
Forestry laws are so restrictive that tribals can be arrested for cutting down small amounts of firewood from government land and, in certain regions, they need permission from local officials to travel through the very forest in which they have lived in for years.
"Tribal people are caught between corporations and conservationalists.   There is no option but to migrate from their lands," says Mr Rajgopal.
What has been neglected is the consequence for society, say campaigners, of creating a huge, landless, rootless workforce left to die in isolated villagers or hunt for work in India's urban centres.
To make the government sit up and act, Mr Rajgopal plans a 300km march to Delhi in October 2007, which will end up with 100,000 people converging on the nation's capital to stage a mass sit-down.
"I intend to embarrass the political class into action.   We aim not to leave until our demands for fairness are met.   People power is bigger than state power and we'll prove it."
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005
Thursday, 4 May 2006
Living next to India's uranium mine
By Mark Whitaker
BBC, India
Seven-year-old Guria living next to India's uranimum mine can neither speak nor walk
Seven-year-old Guria can neither speak nor walk
Despite its achievements, India still can't shake off the problems of poverty, disease and malnutrition.   And, as Mark Whitaker's been finding out in the eastern state of Jharkhand, the search for prosperity and progress has its victims too:
If you met Guria, you would fall in love with her.
Guria is a dark-eyed little girl who lies in the shade of her house on a bed made of rope, waiting for her daddy to come home from work.
She grins as she sees him, and those dark eyes of hers light up.   Her father returns her smile as he scoops her up in his arms.   But his eyes are filled with tears.
For Guria cannot speak.   Nor can she walk.   Her hands — if you can call them hands — are bent, and quiver.   But her eyes reach out.
Her father pedals a rickshaw for a living.   He earns a pittance and tells me he will do all he can to care for Guria, while he is alive.   But what will happen when he dies?
Guria is seven years old.
A stone's throw from her house, another girl lies on another rope bed.   She is 23.
In many ways, she is like Guria, save for the fact that she seems to be in pain.
She gasps for breath.   Her look is anguished, hurt.
She is dressed in a sari, but she never goes anywhere, and has never been anywhere.   For 23 years this has been her life.
Village transformed
The parents of these girls are not sure what has caused their daughters' plight.   There are around 50 other children in Jaduguda, in India's eastern state of Jharkand, in a similar condition.
But the state-owned corporation responsible for the vast uranium mining complex which dominates the village insists it is not to blame.
Over the past 30 to 40 years, the Uranium Corporation of India Limited (UCIL) has transformed Jaduguda, bringing jobs, money and housing for the workers.
But its critics say progress has come at a high price.
Many people here saw their land requisitioned when the mines came.   Instead of living on it, they must now work beneath it.
Once, these hills were the haunt of bear, elephant and tiger.   But no more.
The forest canopy is sparse now, but among the trees there stands a roadside shrine.
Surrounded by offerings of coconut and incense, it is dedicated to the goddess Rankini, a local deity whose realm encompasses Jaduguda alone.
The people of the village put their faith in their goddess — or else in witch doctors.
Rankini's jurisdiction may be limited, but from her vantage point the goddess can spy on mere mortals toiling in the valley below.
I saw some of them.   They were digging for water.   Each bucket they brought to the surface was brown ooze.   So they dug deeper.
Above them, barely a stone's throw from their makeshift well, there was a wall.   The wall of a dam — behind which lie millions of tons of slurry and waste from the uranium pits.
And, in the river which runs past Jaduguda, I saw villagers washing their vegetables.
Upstream, the river's waters mingle with the murky outflow from the mine workings.
Tipper truck at Indian uranium mine
Tipper truck
UCIL has successfully defended its health & safety record in court
There are no signs to warn of contamination.   Just as there are no signs on the trucks which carry uranium ore from the mines or bring nuclear waste from across India for dumping.
Court case
Back in 1998, when India announced it had conducted tests of a thermo-nuclear device in its north-western deserts, the people of Jaduguda came out onto the streets to celebrate "their" bomb.
After all, Jaduguda produces all of India's uranium.
Many in the village think they have shown pride in their country's nuclear achievements.   Now they say it is time their country started to do more for them, and offered them proper protection and health monitoring, medical care and compensation.
People are wary too of outsiders asking questions.   One accused me of being an informer.   When you have spoken to us, he said, you will drink wine with the bosses from the company.
As for the company, UCIL, it promised me an interview.   But at the appointed time I waited outside the mine headquarters in vain.   There was no interview.   And no wine.
A survey suggested that nearly one in five of all women living near the mine has suffered either a miscarriage or a stillbirth within the previous five years.
The state legislature described the deaths and health problems as deplorable.
But a court case brought by local activists against UCIL — which is a subsidiary of the department of atomic energy and of the government of India — failed, after the company insinuated the problems were the result of poor hygiene and diet, and alcohol abuse.
So now, in the courtyard of a house in a small village in India, two teenagers — brother and sister — squat on crumpled limbs on a dirt floor scooping rice from metal bowls with their misshapen hands.
In the village's main street, another boy mends bicycles he will never be able to ride — because when he was nine his legs suddenly started to bend and break.   They look now as if they have melted.
And as night starts to fall, Guria's father cradles his little girl — with her beautiful dark eyes — and wonders what on Earth will happen to her when he is gone.
January 18, 2008
Pity the Brahmins
The WSJ Discovers "Reverse Discrimination" in India
By P. SAINATH
How many Brahmins or Thakurs get beaten up, even burnt alive, for drawing water from the village well?
How many upper caste groups are forced to live on the outskirts of the village, locked into an eternal form of indigenous apartheid?
Now that's discrimination.
A signal achievement of the Indian elite in recent years has been to take caste, give it a fresh coat of paint, and repackage it as a struggle for equality.
The agitations in the All-India Institute of Medical Sciences and other such institutions were fine examples of this.
Casteism is no longer in defensive denial the way it once was.
("Oh, caste? That was 50 years ago, now it barely exists.")
Today, it asserts that caste is killing the nation — but its victims are the upper castes.
And the villains are the lower orders who crowd them out of the seats and jobs long held by those with merit in their genes.
This allows for a happy situation.
You can practise casteism of a visceral kind — and feel noble about it.
You are, after all, standing up for equal rights, calling for a caste-free society.
Truth and justice are on your side.
More importantly, so are the media.
The upper castes are suffering, is catching on.
Remember how the AIIMS agitation was covered?
The idea of "reverse discrimination" (read: the upper castes are suffering) is catching on.
In a curious report on India, The Wall Street Journal, for instance, buys into this big time.
It profiles one such upper caste victim of "reverse discrimination" with sympathy. ("Reversal of Fortunes Isolates India's Brahmins," Dec. 29, 2007.)
"In today's India," it says, "high caste privileges are dwindling." The father of the story's protagonist is "more liberal" than his grandfather.
After all, "he doesn't expect lower-caste neighbors to take off their sandals in his presence."
Gee, that's nice.
They can keep their Guccis on.
Dalit students routinely humiliated and harassed at school
A lot of this hinges, of course, on what we like to perceive as privilege and what we choose to see as discrimination.
Like many others, the WSJ report reduces both to just one thing: quotas in education and jobs.
No other form of it exists in this view.
But it does in the real world.
Dalit students are routinely humiliated and harassed at school.
Many drop out because of this.
They are seated separately in the classroom and at mid-day meals in countless schools across the country.
This does not happen to those of "dwindling privileges."
Acid thrown on their faces
Students from the upper castes do not get slapped by the teacher for drinking water from the common pitcher.
Nor is there much chance of acid being thrown on their faces in the village if they do well in studies.
Nor are they segregated in hostels and in the dining rooms of the colleges they go to.
Discrimination dogs Dalit students at every turn, every level.
As it does Dalits at workplace.
Yet, as Subodh Varma observes (The Times of India, December 12, 2006), their achievements in the face of such odds are impressive.
Between 1961 and 2001, when literacy in the population as a whole doubled, it quadrupled among Dalits.
Sure, that must be seen in the context of their starting from a very low base.
But it happened in the face of everyday adversity for millions.
Yet, the impact of this feat in terms of their prosperity is very limited.
836 million Indians live on less than Rs.20 a day
The WSJ story says "close to half of Brahmin households earn less than $100 (or Rs. 4,000) a month."
Fair enough.
(The table the story runs itself shows that with Dalits that is over 90 per cent of households.)
But the journalist seems unaware, for example, of the report of the National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector, which says that 836 million Indians live on less than Rs.20, or 50 cents, a day.
That is, about $15 a month.
As many as 88 per cent of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (and many from the Other Backward Classes and Muslims) fall into that group.
Of course, there are poor Brahmins and other upper caste people who suffer real poverty.
But twisting that to argue "reverse discrimination," as this WSJ story does, won't wash.
TAKE THE RECENT BRAHMIN SUPER-CONVENTION IN PUNE
More so when the story admits that, on average, "[Brahmins] are better educated and better paid than the rest of Indian people."
Oddly enough, just two days before this piece, the WSJ ran a very good summary of the Khairlanji atrocity a year after it occurred.
That story, from a different reporter, rightly suggests that the economic betterment and success of the Bhotmange family had stoked the jealousy of dominant caste neighbors in that Vidharbha village.
But it ascribes that success to India's "prolonged economic boom which has improved the lot of millions of the nation's poorest, including Dalits."
This raises the question: were other, dominant caste groups not gaining from the "boom?"
How come?
Were Dalits the only "gainers?"
As Varma points out, 36 per cent of rural and 38 per cent of urban Dalits are below the poverty line.
That's against 23 per cent of rural and 27 per cent of urban India as a whole.
(Official poverty stats are a fraud, but that's another story.)
More than a quarter of Dalits, mostly landless, get work for less than six months a year.
If half their households earned even $50 a month, that would be a revolution.
Let us face it, though. Most of the Indian media share the WSJ's "reverse discrimination" views.
Take the recent Brahmin super-convention in Pune.
Within this explicitly caste-based meeting were further surname-based conclaves that seated people by clan or sub-group.
You don't get more caste-focussed than that.
None of this, though, was seen as odd by the media.
Almost at the same time, there was another high-profile meeting on within the Marathas.
That is, the dominant community of Maharashtra. The meeting flatly demanded caste-based quotas for themselves.
Again, not seen as unusual.
How a possible exodus looms of the gentle elite of Shivaji Park, in fear of the hordes about to disturb their sedate terrain
But Dalit meetings are always measured in caste, even racist, terms.
This, although Dalits are not a caste but include people from hundreds of social groups that have suffered untouchability.
The annual gathering in memory of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar on December 6 in Mumbai has been written of with fear.
The damage and risks the city has to stoically bear when the noisy mass gathers.
The disruption of traffic.
The threat to law and order.
How a possible exodus looms of the gentle elite of Shivaji Park, in fear of the hordes about to disturb their sedate terrain.
And of course, there's the sanitation problem (never left unstated for it serves to reinforce the worst of caste prejudice and allows "us" to view "them" as unclean).
Take contemporary Maharashtra, home to India's richest
But back to the real world.
How many upper caste men have had their eyes gouged out for marrying outside their caste?
Ask young Chandrakant in Sategaon village of Nanded in Maharashtra why he thinks it happened to him last week.
How many higher caste bastis have been torched and razed in land or other disputes?
How many upper caste folk lose a limb or even their lives for daring to enter a temple?
How many Brahmins or Thakurs get beaten up, even burnt alive, for drawing water from the village well?
How many from those whose "privileges are dwindling" have to walk four kilometres to fetch water?
How many upper caste groups are forced to live on the outskirts of the village, locked into an eternal form of indigenous apartheid?
Now that's discrimination.
But it is a kind that the WSJ reporter does not see, can never fathom.
In 2006, National Crime Records Bureau data tell us, atrocities against Dalits increased across a range of offences.
Cases under the Protection of Civil Rights Act shot up by almost 40 per cent.
Dalits were also hit by more murders, rapes and kidnapping than in 2005.
Arson, robbery and dacoity directed against them — those went up too.
It's good that the molestation or rape of foreign tourists (particularly in Rajasthan) is causing concern and sparking action.
Not so good that Dalit and tribal women suffer the same and much worse on a colossal scale without getting a fraction of the importance the tourists do.
The same Rajasthan saw an infamous rape case tossed out because in the judge's view, an upper caste man was most unlikely to have raped a lower caste woman.
In the Kumher massacre which claimed 17 Dalit lives in that State, charges could not be framed for seven years.
In a case involving a foreign tourist, a court handed down a guilty verdict in 14 days.
For Dalits, 14 years would be lucky.
Take contemporary Maharashtra, home to India's richest.
The attention given to the Mumbai molestation case — where 14 arrested men remained in jail for five days after being granted bail — stands out in sharp contrast to what has happened in Latur or Nanded.
In the Latur rape case, the victim was a poor Muslim, in Nanded the young man who was ghoulishly blinded, a Dalit.
The Latur case was close to being covered up but for the determination of the victim's community.
The discrimination that pervades Dalit lives follows them after death too.
They are denied the use of village graveyards.
Dalits burying their dead in any place the upper castes object to could find the bodies of their loved ones torn out of the ground.
Every year, more and more instances of all these and other atrocities enter official records.
This never happens to the upper castes of "dwindling privileges."
The theorists of "reverse discrimination" are really upholders of perverse practice.
 
India 2014 — Corporate — State corruption
Withdrawing support from the poor to subsidizing elite
A staggering USD 123 billion was lost in the last decade which is 30 times the amount New Delhi spent on social services like health care and education last year
Forced into criminality by a system of governance built on dishonesty, exploitation and greed
Over 75 per cent of slum dwellers report having paid a bribe to secure basic necessities such as kerosene or medical care.
While India’s billionaires wallow in complacent luxury, two-thirds of the population live in dire poverty, almost half the nation’s children suffer from malnutrition and tens of millions, mainly Adivasi and Dalit people have been displaced by mining and infrastructure projects
India 2011
Antibodies from women with infertility used in creation of GMO food
IMF through their implementation of austerity policies defacto exploit and loot the wealth of Third World nations and facilitate the long term asset stripping and resourcing stealing of such unfortunate countries
Quite a lot if you look at the whole Capitalist Western system which is rigged to exploit the masses and especially vulnerable Third Word nations in favor of the few, again in the West.
Globalization, Monetarism and Deregulation all sounded so great when they are expounded enthusiastically from the early 1980's, by the USA and their well funded fronts in academia and the global media as a globalist International Banker policy.
Anglicised elite of India lording it up in London, NY and heaven knows where with looted assets.
       Illuminati manipulation of oil energy resources      
       World rich elite taking advantage of middle class and poor      
     India and corporations 2011 — Deregulation, oil price, elite accumulation of wealth      
     In India a bill was introduced to make it a crime to question the safety of GMOs      
Vandana Shiva — Globalization project is creation of corporate states
Rural India — The Deadly Gambles of Farming
  Afghanistan — Western Terror States: Canada, US, UK, France, Germany, Italy      
       Photos of Afghanistan people being killed and injured by NATO      
 
For archives, these articles are being stored on TheWE.cc website.
The purpose is to advance understandings of environmental, political,
human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues.