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UN Massacre Haiti. Blood that stained concrete still wet, unable to dry in the blanket of fog and mist that kept the capital unusually cool that particular week.
Blood that stained the concrete was still wet, unable to dry in the blanket of fog and mist that kept the capital unusually cool that particular week.
The same month, thousands of U.N. soldiers stationed in the country since the 2004 coup d’etat withdrew.
Brought to Haiti to restore “stability,” the foreign troops have been involved in multiple deadly raids into neighborhoods similar to Grand Ravine.
American Red Cross exposed as massive, incompetent fraud: built just six homes after collecting half a billion dollars in Haiti earthquake donations   click here
Click on image for YouTube video
Hillary Clinton Chelsea Clinton and Bill Clinton
Designed to create 65,000 jobs in Haiti, kicking our the farmers who lived there
5000 jobs created
People with guns forced to leave the area so they could not do much to resist.
How many people worse off, raise their hands.
Biggest beneficiaries America companies close the the Clinton's — Gap, Target, and Walmart
Haiti — While you might be watching or listening to varied crisis news, intermingled with propaganda falsehoods as background spewed out by the elite controlled media, here is some past few years of background has collected on Haiti.
Published on Thursday, January 14, 2010 by
What You're Not Hearing about Haiti
(But Should Be)
by Carl Lindskoog
In the hours following Haiti's devastating earthquake, CNN, the New York Times and other major news sources adopted a common interpretation for the severe destruction: the 7.0 earthquake was so devastating because it struck an urban area that was extremely over-populated and extremely poor. Houses:
"Built on top of each other" and constructed by the poor people themselves made for a fragile city.
And the country's many years of underdevelopment and political turmoil made the Haitian government ill-prepared to respond to such a disaster.
True enough.
But that's not the whole story.
What's missing is any explanation of why there are so many Haitians living in and around Port-au-Prince and why so many of them are forced to survive on so little.
Indeed, even when an explanation is ventured, it is often outrageously false such as a former U.S. diplomat's testimony on CNN that Port-au-Prince's overpopulation was due to the fact that Haitians, like most Third World people, know nothing of birth control.
Product of American policies
It may startle news-hungry Americans to learn that these conditions the American media correctly attributes to magnifying the impact of this tremendous disaster were largely the product of American policies and an American-led development model.
From 1957-1971 Haitians lived under the dark shadow of 'Papa Doc' Duvalier, a brutal dictator who enjoyed U.S. backing because he was seen by Americans as a reliable anti-Communist.
After his death, Duvalier's son, Jean-Claude 'Baby Doc' became President-for-life at the age of 19 and he ruled Haiti until he was finally overthrown in 1986.
It was in the 1970s and 1980s that Baby Doc and the United States government and business community worked together to put Haiti and Haiti's capitol city on track to become what it was on January 12, 2010.
After the coronation of Baby Doc, American planners inside and outside the U.S. government initiated their plan to transform Haiti into the 'Taiwan of the Caribbean.'
This small, poor country situated conveniently close to the United States was instructed to abandon its agricultural past and develop a robust, export-oriented manufacturing sector.
This, Duvalier and his allies were told, was the way toward modernization and economic development.
From the standpoint of the World Bank and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Haiti was the perfect candidate for this neoliberal facelift.
Low-paying jobs sewing baseballs
The entrenched poverty of the Haitian masses could be used to force them into low-paying jobs sewing baseballs and assembling other products.
But USAID had plans for the countryside too.
Not only were Haiti's cities to become exporting bases but so was the countryside, with Haitian agriculture also reshaped along the lines of export-oriented, market-based production.
To accomplish this USAID, along with urban industrialists and large landholders, worked to create agro-processing facilities, even while they increased their practice of dumping surplus agricultural products from the U.S. on the Haitian people.
This 'aid' from the Americans, along with the structural changes in the countryside predictably forced Haitian peasants who could no longer survive to migrate to the cities, especially Port-au-Prince where the new manufacturing jobs were supposed to be.
However, when they got there they found there weren't nearly enough manufacturing jobs go around.
The city became more and more crowded.
Slum areas expanded.
And to meet the housing needs of the displaced peasants, quickly and cheaply constructed housing was put up, sometimes placing houses right 'on top of each other.'
Before too long, however, American planners and Haitian elites decided that perhaps their development model didn't work so well in Haiti and they abandoned it.
Consequences of American-led changes remain, however
When on the afternoon and evening of January 12, 2010 Haiti experienced that horrible earthquake and round after round of aftershock the destruction was, no doubt, greatly worsened by the very real over-crowding and poverty of Port-au-Prince and the surrounding areas.
But shocked Americans can do more than shake their heads and, with pity, make a donation.
They can confront their own country's responsibility for the conditions in Port-au-Prince that magnified the earthquake's impact, and they can acknowledge America's role in keeping Haiti from achieving meaningful development.
To accept the incomplete story of Haiti offered by CNN and the New York Times is to blame Haitians for being the victims of a scheme that was not of their own making.
As John Milton wrote, "they who have put out the people's eyes, reproach them of their blindness."
Carl Lindskoog is a New York City-based activist and historian completing a doctoral degree at the City University of New York
© Copyrighted 1997-2009
New oppression managed by the UN with its pick of elite tools from varied countries
The Haitian people falling once again under oppression after their only real elected leader was ousted in a coup manipulated by the CIA and other US black operations — handy tools of evil for those that presently run the planet.
This article is far too kind in laying blame to the evil that has the Haitian people kept in extreme poverty by a corrupted wealth-obsessed elite, enabled by corrupted Illuminati-controlled governments in the US, in Canada, and France.
The new oppression managed by the UN with its pick of elite armed tools from varied countries.
Now US troops — elite tools — to once again stop the people rising up against their oppressors.
Of course, Obama!
You know what is needed, don't you!
Yes, indeed, the above article is far too kind and lenient.
For more images of the Haiti quake
— click here
In the below article, elite words have been changed such as the change to hungry people from the BBC's use of mob, the change to UN enforcement instead of peacekeepers, and the subheading change to 'Burning feeling in stomach' instead of 'Gasoline and matches'
BBC — Tuesday, 8 April 2008
Hungry people try to attack Haiti palace
Brazilian UN enforcement stop hungry people from entering the National palace in Port-au-Prince on 8 April, 2008

Brazil UN enforcement keep the hungry protesters back from the palace
Brazil UN enforcement keep the hungry protesters back from the palace
Crowds of demonstrators in Haiti have tried to storm the presidential palace in the capital Port-au-Prince as protests continue over food prices.
Witnesses say the protesters used metal bins to try to smash down the palace gates before UN troops fired rubber bullets and tear gas to disperse them.
Several people are reported to have been injured in the clashes.
At least five people have been killed in Haiti since the unrest began last week in the southern city of Les Cayes.
The demonstrators outside the presidential palace said the rising cost of living in Haiti meant they were struggling to feed themselves.
"We are hungry," they shouted before attempting to smash open the palace gates.
Burning feeling in stomach
Haiti hungry protesters run for cover from shooting by UN enforcers outside the National palace in Port-au-Prince on 8 April, 2008
Haiti hungry protesters run for cover from shooting by UN enforcers outside the National palace in Port-au-Prince on 8 April
In recent months, it has become common among Haiti's poor to use the expression grangou klowox, or "eating bleach", to describe the daily hunger pains people face, because of the burning feeling in their stomachs.
The protesters demanded the resignation of President Rene Preval, who came to power two years ago promising to restore peace to a country torn apart by fighting between rival armed gangs.
Mr Preval is believed to have been inside the palace at the time.
"I compare this situation to having a bucket full of gasoline and having some people around with a box of matches," Preval adviser Patrick Elie was quoted as saying by The Associated Press.
"As long as the two have a possibility to meet, you're going to have trouble."
Rising food prices are causing unrest around the globe but in Haiti, one of the poorest countries in the world, the protests threaten to destabilise an already fragile democracy.
UN envoy Hedi Annabi, who briefed the Security Council in New York on Tuesday, said Haiti's progress was "extremely fragile, highly reversible, and made even more fragile by the current socio-economic environment".
Violence in Haiti has often been linked to poverty with more than half the population surviving on less than a dollar a day.
BBC map
Critics say both Mr Preval and the international community have focused too much on political stability and not enough on helping to alleviate poverty and now growing hunger.
The protesters are also focusing their anger on the 9,000 or so UN peacekeepers sent to Haiti in 2004.
Their mission was to quell the chaos that followed the ousting of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the country's first democratically elected leader.

U.N. Troops Accused of July 6th Massacre in Haiti's Cite Soleil
Interview with Kim Ives editor of Haiti Progres
speaking with Scott Harris of Between the Lines — transcript by
On the morning of July 6, more than 350 United Nations peacekeeping troops deployed in Haiti raided the densely populated Port-au-Prince slum of Cite Soleil.
A U.N. spokesperson Col. Eloufi Boulbars stated that the operation was aimed at armed gangs that they say are responsible for rampant violence in the Haitian capital.
But residents of the poor neighborhood, many of whom are staunch supporters of ousted Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, say that U.N. troops backed by tanks and helicopter shot indiscriminately killing at least 23 and as many as 60 civilians.   U.N officials reported only five killed.
Among those slain in the raid was Emmanuel "Dread" Wilme, known as a pro-Aristide community leader in Cite Soleil and branded a dangerous gang leader by the U.S.-installed interim Haitian government and the U.N.
Haiti has been plagued by violence and instability since an armed rebellion by former Haitian soldiers toppled Aristide's government in February 2004.
Aristide, now in exile in South Africa, maintains that he was kidnapped and forced to leave Haiti as Washington and Paris orchestrated the coup against him.
The 7,400-member U.N. peacekeeping force made up of soldiers from Brazil, Peru, Jordan and Uruguay is preparing for presidential, parliamentary and local elections in October and December.
Between The Lines' Scott Harris spoke with Kim Ives, an editor with the newspaper Haiti Progres, who describes the deadly July 6 attack by U.N. soldiers on Cite Soleil and the prospects for free and fair elections later this year.
Kim Ives:   It was one of the most horrific massacres since the coup began on February 29th 2004 when U.S. special forces soldiers flew into Haiti on an unmarked jet as they do - we are learning more and more about that these days, special forces going kidnapping and snatching people off the streets.
But they went into Haiti and the snatched the President out of his home, surrounded the place with laser sighted rifles and machine guns and took him to the airport and flew him out to Africa.
There have been quite a few massacres since that time but the one that occurred on the 6th of July at Cite Soleil stands up for two reasons.
1. Sixty people were killed in the space of four to five hours by a total assault of 350 troops, two helicopter gunships, tanks firing on homes.
This was an assault on a civilian population.
2. It was carried out only by the United Nations.   There weren't even using the Haitian police who they have been backing up over these past months.
They carried out the operation themselves.
So this is really a new stage in the U.N. taking control of the military occupation of Haiti, not even using Haitian proxies.
Another irony was that this happened on the same day as the London bombings.
I really think that the parallels are pretty striking.   We see how many miles of print and video tape have been spent on that and Haiti, this is considered a non-story when sixty people are killed.
Scott Harris:   Now that figure of sixty people, has that figure of the death toll on July 6th been admitted to or corroborated by the United Nations?
Sonia Romelus
Kim Ives:   No! The United Nations claim that five or six people were killed.
We have pictures in Haiti Progres this week on the cover for example of a woman called Sonia Romelus who was a twenty-two year old mother of a child, Nelson Romelus.
The UN troops came into her home, threw a smoke grenade in, started firing, one of the bullets went right through her, killed her and killed her one-year-old infant in her arms.
And they shot her four-year-old son, Stanley Romelus in the head.
This would be three of the six bandits the UN claimed were killed.   Unfortunately for the UN there was a labor delegation that was on hand there, which went in and video taped the carnage that took place.
They went in and video taped the churches and the schools and the tin and cardboard shacks that were riddled with machine gun bullets.
This was a total assault on a community, which has been assaulted and besieged in the past five six months on repeated occasions.
So the UN is trying to talk it down and cover it up, but the fact is we've got the testimony.   We have the video tape.   We have the proof that there was a massacre that took place that day.
Scott Harris:   What's been the response in Haiti.   I know hundreds if not thousands came to the funeral of some of those killed by the July 6 attack of UN forces.   But are there calls for investigations both inside and outside Haiti in response to what occurred on July 6th?
Kim Ives:   There is a major effort now to put together an international tribunal on Haiti, which will be held in Washington on the 23rd of September.   This will be a tribunal where the evidence of these massacres, of the US role in the coup will be forthcoming.   This will be the night before the big September 24th demonstration in Washington.
We want to prepare a dossier which can go to the International Criminal Court, who can then put warrants out for these UN officials who are ordering these massacres.
Tell us a little about the upcoming elections and the view of the Lavalas Family Party and the participation.
At this point of the 4.5 million eligible voters, something less than 4% have obtained their electoral card.
The deadlines are hurdling at the UN occupation forces and the National Popular Party along with a number of Lavalas Family base organizations have distributed a flyer nationwide encouraging people not to go take what they call this poison electoral card, saying that this would be playing into the hands of the people who did the February 29th kidnapping.  
That they would have an election which would be totally rigged by the computers.
Haitian 'Massacre' Caught on Film:
July 16th, 2005
In the early morning hours of July 6, more than 350 UN troops stormed the seaside shanty town of Cite Soleil in a military operation with the stated purpose of halting violence in Haiti.
The successful goal of the mission was to assassinate a 31 year-old man and his lieutenants that Haiti’s right wing media and reactionary business community had labeled bandits and armed supporters of ousted president Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
According to residents, Emmanuel “Dread” Wilmer and four others were felled in a hail of gunfire that came from all directions including a circling helicopter.
According to the Associated Press, a military spokesman for the UN peacekeeping [sic] mission in Haiti, Colonel Eloufi Boulbars stated, “Armed bandits who had tried to resist were either killed or wounded.”
On July 6 in Cite Soleil, a weeping Fredi Romelus, recounted how UN troops lobbed a red smoke grenade into his house and then opened fire killing his wife and two children.
“They surrounded our house this morning and I ran thinking my wife and the children were behind me. They couldn’t get out and the blan [UN] fired into the house.”
A few of the horrific images caught on video of the assault on Cite Soleil, in which at least 26 people, mainly women and children, were fired upon by UN troops.

Haiti is the poorest country in the Americas.

For centuries an elite backed by the US has ruled Haiti placing huge education, class and economic restrictions on the masses.

More than half of Haitians live below the extreme poverty line of $1 per day.

Less than 40 percent of those in the capital Port-au-Prince and other cities have running water according to U.N. Figures released in December 2006.

A few of the horrific images caught on video of the assault on Cite Soleil, in which at least 26 people, mainly women and children, were fired upon by UN troops
Exclusive video footage from a Haiti Information Project (HIP) reporter captured the interview as well as the images of the three victims.
Lying in blood on the floor of the modest home were Mr. Romelus’s wife, 22 year-old Sonia Romelus who was killed by the same bullet that passed through the body of her 1 year-old infant son Nelson. She was apparently holding the child as the UN opened fire. Next to them was her four year-old son Stanley Romelus who was killed by a single shot to the head.
Officially, the UN has responded that they only opened fire after being fired upon and have discounted non-combatant casualties.
The HIP video shows 31 year-old Leonce Chery moments after a head shot ripped through his jaw.
Chery was clearly unarmed as he lay bleeding to death in a pool of his own blood.
In fact, the majority of the victims shown on the video were unarmed falling prey to a single shot to the head.
The international medical group Doctors without Borders, reported 26 people from Cite Soleil were treated for gunshot wounds at St. Joseph’s hospital following the UN operation on July 6.
According to reports, 20 of the injured were women and children and one pregnant woman lost her child during surgery.
Many wounded and untreated victims of gunshot wounds are reported to be hiding in Cite Soleil.
They fear leaving the area to seek medical treatment for fear of reprisal by the UN and the Haitian police.
In an exclusive interview in Cite Soleil following the UN operation, Jean Jorel, a Lavalas representative and member of the Fanmi Lavalas Political Commission commented, “Today all the popular neighborhoods are under attack.”
Jorel continued, “These neighborhoods represent the poor and the majority of the Haitian people.
Neighborhoods like Cite Soleil, Bel Air and Solino have been turned into cemeteries.
Since the coup of Feb. 29, 2004, the international community has never concerned themselves with creating programs for the poor.
Instead they have taken up a campaign of extermination against the poor at the request of Reginald Boulos, Charles Henry Baker, and Andy Apaid.
We ask the international community to end their hypocrisy.
We ask them to stop the killing!
We ask them to stop supporting this unelected government and realize that the majority, who are the poor, are committed to the return of Jean-Bertrand Aristide.”
The U.S. State Department and Haiti’s wealthy elite had called for the UN to take tougher action against supporters of Aristide’s political movement known as Lavalas.
Dr. Reginald Boulos, the president of the Haitian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, called on the UN to step up its military operations against the “bandits” on May 27.
Meanwhile, the term “bandits” has become a code word to signify Lavalas supporters in the Haitian elite-run media.
Scorched earth policy
In response, the U.N. and the Police Nationale d’Haiti (PNH) launched a major offensive against Cite Soleil on May 31.
At least 3 people were killed and scores injured after U.N. and PNH security forces reportedly entered the area with “guns shooting everywhere” according to residents.
This was followed by a four-day siege of the pro-Aristide neighborhood of Bel Air that began on June 2.
At least 30 people were killed and more than 15 homes were reportedly burned to the ground.
Human rights observers described the tactics being employed by the Haitian police during the raids as a “scorched earth” policy.
Police another bloody raid
The Haitian police moved against Bel Air again on June 17 killing at least 10 people in another bloody raid.
Among the first victims shot by the police that day was 17 year-old Natalie Luzius.
She was clutching her 6 month-old son Fritznel Luzius to protect him at the moment a police bullet struck her in the head and killed her.
UN forces carried out a large military operation in Bel Air on June 29 stating that only combatants were killed.
Residents claim the UN shot and killed unarmed bystanders during the course of that operation as well.
This apparent strategy of alternating attacks by the Haitian police and UN military forces on pro-Aristide communities continues.
U.S. give 'green light' for violence
The U.S. State department responded by adding its support to the anti-Lavalas crusade. Roger Noreiga, assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs, directly accused Aristide on June 24 of personally fomenting violence in Haiti.
Noreiga asserted in a Miami Herald interview, “We believe that his people are receiving instructions directly from his voice and indirectly through his acolytes that communicate with him personally in South Africa.”
On July 4, U.S. Ambassador James Foley gave the green light for violently clamping down on Haiti’s majority political party, “Today in Haiti they are burning houses, they are burning stores, they are attacking means of transportation and communication links. They are kidnapping people of all social classes. They are assassinating, torturing and raping. All of this has a name: The use of violence against civilians for political purposes is the very definition of terrorism.”
Eight Haitian police officers implicated
Haiti’s latest wave of violence and insecurity began after the Haitian police fired on peaceful marches in the capital demanding the return of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide on Feb. 28 and April 27.
At least 11 unarmed demonstrators were killed in the two attacks prompting U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan to echo demands by human rights organizations for an official investigation.
The U.S.-installed government of Gerard Latortue has dismissed allegations against the police despite statements made by Brazilian General Heleno Ribera and video footage taken by a local television station confirming the unprovoked attacks. The video footage also shows members of Haiti’s police force planting guns on corpses to justify the slayings on April 27.
Since then, there have been almost daily kidnappings and killings that U.S. Ambassador James B. Foley and the local Haitian business elite blame on a small and violent minority claiming allegiance to Aristide.
The fact that eight Haitian police officers have been implicated and arrested in the recent spate of kidnappings has not softened the rhetoric of the U.S. and Haiti’s wealthy elite who continue to call for retribution and violence against pro-Aristide neighborhoods.
Illuminati tool 'Special UN envoy' Clinton promotes tourism for the world's elite in Haiti
Nice convoy UN 'special envoy' Clinton!
You think that UN money (taken from the taxpayers of the world) might have been better spent on the poor people of Haiti
UN protectors of small rich elite who overlord Haiti.
UN tool of Illuminati, paid for by the world's taxpayers, in this instance controlled by Brazil's elite under 'US guidance'
Operation Sweatshop
Ordered by UN Security Council
US, Canada, France, rich Haitian tools of Illuminati mostly involved
March 5 - 11, 2004
Operation Sweatshop
Jean-Bertrand Aristide's move to raise Haiti's minimum wage was the last straw for American corporations and elitist U.S. factions.
By Chris Floyd
This week, the Bush administration added another violent "regime change" notch to its gunbelt, toppling the democratically elected president of Haiti and replacing him with an unelected gang of convicted killers, death squad leaders, militarists, narcoterrorists, CIA operatives, hereditary elitists and corporate predators — a bit like Team Bush itself, in other words.
Although the Haiti coup was widely portrayed as an irresistible upsurge of popular discontent, it was of course the result of years of hard work by Bush's dedicated corrupters of democracy, as William Bowles reports in Information Clearinghouse.
Funded opposition, smuggled guns, cut aid, forced to pay dictatorship debts
Protests against rising food prices
Les Cayes, Haiti
Bushist bagmen funded the political opposition to President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, smuggled guns to exiled Haitian warlords and carried out a relentless strangulation of the county, cutting off long-promised financial and structural aid to one of the poorest nations on earth until food prices were soaring, unemployment spiked to 70 percent and the broken-backed government lost control of society to armed gangs of criminals, fanatics and the merely desperate.
Meanwhile, Haiti was forced to pay $2 million per month on debts run up by the murderous U.S.-backed dictatorships that ruled the island for decades after the American military occupation of 1915-1934.
The ostensible reason for Bush's deadly squeeze-play was Haiti's disputed elections in 2000.
That vote, only the nation's third free election in 200 years, was indeed marred by reports of irregularities — although these were not nearly as egregious as the well-documented hijinks which saw a certain runner-up candidate appointed to the White House that same year.
There was no question that Aristide and his party received an overwhelming majority of legitimate votes; however, out of the 7,500 offices up for grabs, election observers did find that seven senate results seemed of dodgy provenance.
So what happened?
The seven disputed senators resigned.
Aid would not be released due to opposition boycott, while paying opposition not to participate
New elections for the seats were called, but the opposition — two elitist factions financed by Washington's favorite engines of subversion, the Orwellian-monikered "National Endowment for Democracy" and "International Republican Institute" — refused to take part.
The government broke down because the legislature couldn't convene.   When Bush came in, he tightened the screws of the international blockade of the island, insisting that $500 million in desperately needed aid could not be released unless the opposition participated in new elections — while he was simultaneously paying the opposition not to participate.
The ultimate aim of this brutal pretzel logic was to grind Haiti's destitute people further into the ground and destroy Aristide's ability to govern.
His real crime, of course, was not the Florida-style election follies or the reported "tyranny."
Bush loves that stuff — witness his eager embrace of the nuke-peddling dictatorship of Pakistan, the human-boiling hardman of Uzbekistan, the torture-happy tyrant of Kazakhstan, the drug-running warlords of Afghanistan and so forth.
Tried to raise minimum wage
Protests against rising food prices
Port-au-Prince, Haiti
No, Aristide did something far worse than stuffing ballots or killing people — he tried to raise the minimum wage to the princely sum of two dollars a day.   This move outraged the American corporations — and their local lackeys — who have for generations used Haiti as a pool of dirt-cheap labor and sky-high profits.
It was the last straw for the elitist factions, one of which is actually led by an American citizen and former Reagan-Bush appointee, manufacturing tycoon Andy Apaid.
Apaid was the point man for the Reagan-Bush "market reform" drive in Haiti.   Of course, "reform," in the degraded jargon of the privateers, means exposing even the very means of survival and sustenance to the ravages of powerful corporate interests.
Destroyed local market
For example, the Reagan-Bush plan forced Haiti to lift import tariffs on rice, which had long been a locally grown staple.   Then they flooded Haiti with heavily subsidized American rice, destroying the local market and throwing thousands of self-sufficient farmers out of work.
With a now-captive market, the American companies jacked up their prices, spreading ruin and hunger throughout Haitian society.
The jobless farmers provided new fodder for the factories of Apaid and his cronies.   Reagan and Bush chipped in by abolishing taxes for American corporations who set up Haitian sweatshops.
Precipitous drop in wages
The result was a precipitous drop in wages — and life expectancy.   Aristide's first election in 1990 threatened these cozy arrangements, so he was duly ejected by a military coup, with Bush I's not-so-tacit connivance.
Protests against rising food prices
Port-au-Prince, Haiti
Bill Clinton restored Aristide to office in 1994 — but only after forcing him to agree to, yes, "market reforms."
In fact, it was Clinton, the privateers' pal, who instigated the post-election aid embargo that Bush II used to such devastating effect.
Aristide's chief failing as a leader was his attempt to live up to this bipartisan blackmail.
As in every other nation that's come under the IMF whip, Haiti's already-fragile economy collapsed.
Bush family retainers like Apaid then shoved the country into total chaos, making it easy prey for the warlords whom Bush operatives — many of them old Iran-Contra hands — supplied with arms through the Dominican Republic, the Boston Globe reports.
When the terrorist warlords attacked last month, Bush flatly refused Aristide's plea for an international force to preserve Haiti's democracy.   Instead, he sent armed men to "persuade" Aristide to resign.   Within hours, the Bush-backed terrorists were marching through Port-au-Prince, executing Aristide's supporters, the NY Times reports.
Guess they won't be asking for two dollars a day now, eh?
Mission accomplished!
Thus, just like his father, Bush has overthrown Aristide, and for the same reason: He represented a threat to their "natural order" — unchecked rule by pampered, protected elites.
Terrorism, despotism, torture, WMD trafficking: All of this can countenanced, even embraced.
But Aristide's alternative — democratic, capitalist, but with "a prejudice for the poor," as enjoined by the Gospels — this evil can never be tolerated.
Private Interests and U.S. Foreign Policy in Haiti
Contested Social Orders, Vanderbilt University Press, 1997
U.S. Political Maneuvering Behind Aristide Ouster
Newsday, March 1, 2004
Why They Had to Crush Aristide
The Guardian, March 2, 2004
Tear gas canister fired over town of Petio-Ville, Haiti
Protests against rising food prices
The Fire This Time in Haiti was U.S.-Fueled
Taipei Times, March 1, 2004
Veterans of Past Murderous Campaigns are Leading Haiti's Rebellion
New York Times, Feb. 29, 2004
Caught Between a Rock and a Bush
Information Clearing House, June 3, 2003
Is the U.S. Funding Haitian Contras?
Dissident Voice, February 2004
The United States in Haiti: Harvest of Hunger
Food First, Fall 1996
Aristide Backers Blame Bush Administration for Ouster

Boston Globe, March 1, 2004
Looters Step Over the Dead as Haiti Collapses Into Anarchy
The Independent, Feb. 29, 2004
Throttled by History

Counterpunch, Feb. 24, 2004
Haiti Rebel Says He's in Charge, Political Chaos Deepens
New York Times, March 3, 2004
In Haiti, Past is Prologue
Findlaw Legal Commentary, March 1, 2003
Bush Accused of Supporting Haitian Rebels
UPI, Feb. 27, 2004
An Insurrection in the Making
Madre Backgrounder, February 2004
Haiti as Target Practice
Counterpunch, March 1, 2004
© Copyright 2004, The Moscow Times. All Rights Reserved.
6/7: the massacre of the poor that the world ignored
The US cannot accept that the Haitian president it ousted still has support
Naomi Klein
Monday July 18, 2005
The Guardian
When terror strikes western capitals, it doesn't just blast bodies and buildings, it also blasts other sites of suffering off the media map.
A massacre of Iraqi children, blown up while taking sweets from US soldiers, is banished deep into the inside pages of our newspapers.
The outpouring of compassion for the daily deaths of thousands from Aids in Africa is suddenly treated as a frivolous distraction.
In this context, a massacre in Haiti alleged to have taken place the day before the London bombings never stood a chance.
Well before July 7, Haiti couldn't compete in the suffering sweepstakes:  the US-supported coup that ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide had the misfortune of taking place in late February 2004, just as the occupation of Iraq was reaching a new level of chaos and brutality.
The crushing of Haiti's constitutional democracy made headlines for only a couple of weeks.
Seven bodies in one house alone
But the battle over Haiti's future rages on.
Most recently, on July 6, 300 UN troops stormed the pro-Aristide slum of Cité Soleil.
The UN admits that five were killed, but residents put the number of dead at no fewer than 20.
A Reuters correspondent, Joseph Guyler Delva, says he "saw seven bodies in one house alone, including two babies and one older woman in her 60s".
Three-quarters women and children
Ali Besnaci, head of Médecins Sans Frontières in Haiti, confirmed that on the day of the siege an "unprecedented" 27 people came to the MSF clinic with gunshot wounds, three-quarters of them women and children.
Where news of the siege was reported, it was treated as a necessary measure to control Haiti's violent armed gangs.  
But the residents of Cité Soleil tell a different story:  they say they are being killed not for being violent, but for being militant — for daring to demand the return of their elected president.
On the bodies of their dead friends and family members, they place photographs of Aristide.
Killed for daring to demand
It was only 10 years ago that President Clinton celebrated Aristide's return to power as "the triumph of freedom over fear".
So it seems worth asking:  what changed?
Accepting a lift home from Charles Manson
Aristide is certainly no saint, but even if the worst of the allegations against him are true, they pale next to the rap sheets of the convicted killers, drug smugglers and arms traders who ousted him.
Turning Haiti over to this underworld gang out of concern for Aristide's lack of "good governance" is like escaping an annoying date by accepting a lift home from Charles Manson.
Privatization and Clinton
A few weeks ago I visited Aristide in Pretoria, South Africa, where he lives in forced exile.
I asked him what was really behind his dramatic falling-out with Washington.
He offered an explanation rarely heard in discussions of Haitian politics — actually, he offered three:  "Privatisation, privatisation and privatisation."
The dispute dates back to a series of meetings in early 1994, a pivotal moment in Haiti's history that Aristide has rarely discussed.
Haitians were living under the barbaric rule of Raoul Cédras, who overthrew Aristide in a 1991 US-backed coup.
Aristide was in Washington and, despite popular calls for his return, there was no way he could face down the junta without military back-up.
Increasingly embarrassed by Cédras's abuses, the Clinton administration offered Aristide a deal:  US troops would take him back to Haiti — but only after he agreed to a sweeping economic programme with the stated goal to "substantially transform the nature of the Haitian state".
Aristide agreed to pay the debts accumulated under the kleptocratic Duvalier dictatorships, slash the civil service, open up Haiti to "free trade" and cut import tariffs on rice and corn.
It was a lousy deal but, Aristide says, he had little choice.
"I was out of my country and my country was the poorest in the western hemisphere, so what kind of power did I have at that time?"
Immediate sell-off of state-owned enterprises
But Washington's negotiators made one demand that Aristide could not accept:  the immediate sell-off of Haiti's state-owned enterprises, including phones and electricity.
Aristide argued that unregulated privatisation would transform state monopolies into private oligarchies, increasing the riches of Haiti's elite and stripping the poor of their national wealth.
He says the proposal simply didn't add up:  "Being honest means saying two plus two equals four.   They wanted us to sing two plus two equals five."
Aristide proposed a compromise:  Rather than sell off the firms outright, he would "democratise" them.
He defined this as writing anti-trust legislation, ensuring that proceeds from the sales were redistributed to the poor and allowing workers to become shareholders.
Washington backed down, and the final text of the agreement called for the "democratisation" of state companies.
But when Aristide announced that no sales could take place until parliament had approved the new laws, Washington cried foul.
Aristide says he realised then that what was being attempted was an "economic coup".
"The hidden agenda was to tie my hands once I was back and make me give for nothing all the state public enterprises."
He threatened to arrest anyone who went ahead with privatisations.
"Washington was very angry at me.   They said I didn't respect my word, when they were the ones who didn't respect our common economic policy."
U.S. poured millions into coffers of opposition groups
The US cut off more than $500m in promised loans and aid, starving his government, and poured millions into the coffers of opposition groups, culminating ultimately in the February 2004 armed coup.
And the war continues.
On June 23 Roger Noriega, US assistant secretary of state for western hemisphere affairs, called on UN troops to take a more "proactive role" in going after armed pro-Aristide gangs.
In practice, this has meant a wave of collective punishment inflicted on neighbourhoods known for supporting Aristide, most recently in Cité Soleil on July 6.
Still on streets, still being killed
Yet despite these attacks, Haitians are still on the streets — rejecting the planned sham elections, opposing privatisation and holding up photographs of their president.
And just as Washington's experts could not fathom the possibility that Aristide would reject their advice a decade ago, today they cannot accept that his poor supporters could be acting of their own accord.
"We believe that his people are receiving instructions directly from his voice and indirectly through his acolytes that communicate with him personally in South Africa," Noriega said.
Aristide claims no such powers.
"The people are bright, the people are intelligent, the people are courageous," he says.   They know that two plus two does not equal five.
  • Research assistance was provided by Aaron Maté.
  • Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005
    Why they had to crush Aristide
    Haiti's elected leader was regarded as a threat by France and the US
    Peter Hallward
    Tuesday March 2, 2004
    The Guardian
    Jean-Bertrand Aristide was re-elected president of Haiti in November 2000 with more than 90% of the vote.
    He was elected by people who approved his courageous dissolution, in 1995, of the armed forces that had long terrorised Haiti and had overthrown his first administration.
    He was elected by people who supported his tentative efforts, made with virtually no resources or revenue, to invest in education and health.
    He was elected by people who shared his determination, in the face of crippling US opposition, to improve the conditions of the most poorly paid workers in the western hemisphere.
    Aristide was forced from office on Sunday by people who have little in common except their opposition to his progressive policies and their refusal of the democratic process.
    Haiti's former colonial masters
    With the enthusiastic backing of Haiti's former colonial master, a leader elected with overwhelming popular support has been driven from office by a loose association of convicted human rights abusers, seditious former army officers and pro-American business leaders.
    It's obvious that Aristide's expulsion offered Jacques Chirac a long-awaited chance to restore relations with an American administration he dared to oppose over the attack on Iraq.
    It's even more obvious that the characterisation of Aristide as yet another crazed idealist corrupted by absolute power sits perfectly with the political vision championed by George Bush, and that the Haitian leader's downfall should open the door to a yet more ruthless exploitation of Latin American labour.
    Peculiar version of events carefully prepared
    If you've been reading the mainstream press over the past few weeks, you'll know that this peculiar version of events has been carefully prepared by repeated accusations that Aristide rigged fraudulent elections in 2000; unleashed violent militias against his political opponents; and brought Haiti's economy to the point of collapse and its people to the brink of humanitarian catastrophe.
    But look a little harder at those elections.
    An exhaustive and convincing report by the International Coalition of Independent Observers concluded that "fair and peaceful elections were held" in 2000, and by the standard of the presidential elections held in the US that same year they were positively exemplary.
    Why 'flawed'
    Why then were they characterised as "flawed" by the Organisation of American States (OAS)?
    It was because, after Aristide's Lavalas party had won 16 out of 17 senate seats, the OAS contested the methodology used to calculate the voting percentages.
    Curiously, neither the US nor the OAS judged this methodology problematic in the run-up to the elections.
    Media all owned by Aristide's opponents
    However, in the wake of the Lavalas victories, it was suddenly important enough to justify driving the country towards economic collapse.
    Bill Clinton invoked the OAS accusation to justify the crippling economic embargo against Haiti that persists to this day, and which effectively blocks the payment of about $500m in international aid.
    But what about the gangs of Aristide supporters running riot in Port-au-Prince?
    No doubt Aristide bears some responsibility for the dozen reported deaths over the last 48 hours.
    But given that his supporters have no army to protect them, and given that the police force serving the entire country is just a tenth of the force that patrols New York city, it's worth remembering that this figure is a small fraction of the number killed by the rebels in recent weeks.
    Aristide never learned to pander unreservedly to foreign commercial interests
    One of the reasons why Aristide has been consistently vilified in the press is that the Reuters and AP wire services, on which most coverage depends, rely on local media, which are all owned by Aristide's opponents.
    Another, more important, reason for the vilification is that Aristide never learned to pander unreservedly to foreign commercial interests.
    He reluctantly accepted a series of severe IMF structural adjustment plans, to the dismay of the working poor, but he refused to acquiesce in the indiscriminate privatisation of state resources, and stuck to his guns over wages, education and health.
    Aristide never quite prepared to abandon all his principles
    What happened in Haiti is not that a leader who was once reasonable went mad with power; the truth is that a broadly consistent Aristide was never quite prepared to abandon all his principles.
    Worst of all, he remained indelibly associated with what's left of a genuine popular movement for political and economic empowerment.
    For this reason alone, it was essential that he not only be forced from office but utterly discredited in the eyes of his people and the world.
    As Noam Chomsky has said, the "threat of a good example" solicits measures of retaliation that bear no relation to the strategic or economic importance of the country in question.
    This is why the leaders of the world have joined together to crush a democracy in the name of democracy.
    · Peter Hallward teaches French at King's College London and is the author of Absolutely Postcolonial
    Published on Friday, July 22, 2005 by
    Haitian Priest Assaulted by Mob at Funeral and Arrested for Murder
    by Bill Quigley
    PORT AU PRINCE, Haiti — On Thursday July 21, 2005, Fr. Gerard Jean-Juste went to St. Pierre's Catholic Church to be one of the priests participating in the funeral of Haitian journalist Jacques Roche.
    Fr. Jean-Juste is a cousin of the Roche family and members of the Roche family protected him from a mob earlier in his life.   He went to express spiritual comfort and reconciliation to the family.
    The tragic kidnapping and death of Jacques Roche has been taken up as a cause by those opposed to the Lavalas party.   Jacques Roche was identified as a supporter of the people calling themselves the group of 184, who overthrew by force the democratically elected government of President Aristide, the leader of the Lavalas party, in February 2004.
    Hundreds of mourners attend the funeral of Haitian journalist Jacques Roche, at the St. Pierre Roman Catholic church in Petionville, an affluent suburb in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, Thursday, July 21, 2005.
    Roche was slain by kidnappers and found shot to death last week, five days after he was seized while driving in the capital, the latest in a wave of violence gripping the troubled nation.
    Opponents of Aristide say that because the body of Jacques Roche was found in a poor neighborhood that he was executed by the Lavalas party who is very strong in the poorest neighborhoods.
    When Fr. Jean-Juste walked out, people started yelling at him in the chapel.
    They called him "assassin" and "criminal" and yelled out to "arrest and kill the rat."
    For those of us in the US, this is much like blaming John Kerry for inner city deaths because most of the people in the inner city vote democratic.
    Fr. Jean-Juste went to the funeral expressly to pay his respects to the family and express his open remorse and opposition to any killing of anyone, no matter their political affiliation.
    Jacques Roche's coffin was in the chapel next to the sacristy and main area of the church.
    At 10 o'clock the bishop and about seven priests robed in white with purple stoles or sashes paraded out of the sacristy of the church to the chapel next to the main area of the church to say blessings over the coffin of Jacques Roche.
    When Fr. Jean-Juste walked out, people started yelling at him in the chapel.
    They called him "assassin" and "criminal" and yelled out to "arrest and kill the rat."
    Fr. Jean-Juste has been publicly accused in the last several days of "a plot against the security of the state," smuggling money and guns into the country, and of being behind all the kidnappings.
    All clearly false charges but widely reported by unfriendly press.
    People knew Fr. Jean-Juste was coming to the funeral because that was printed on the front page of a conservative paper the day before.
    As the well-dressed people continued yelling at Fr. Jean-Juste, the prayer service nearly turned into a riot.   The other priests turned to leave and a well-dressed crowd of screaming people surrounded him.   I went out to be by his side.   Some plainclothes security people and a few priests surrounded us and helped push us through the increasingly hostile crowd back into the church sacristy.
    The other priests then persuaded Fr. Jean-Juste not to continue in the funeral service.   So we stood aside as the priests and the funeral crowd filed past us into the main church.
    Well-dressed men and women continued to scream and threaten Fr. Gerry as they moved by us into the church.   Then a crowd of 15 or 20 or more young men, not dressed at all for the funeral came into the sacristy and the mood turned uglier and more menacing.   At that point, the security forces melted away.
    The young men continued the screaming started by the well-dressed people and then started pushing and hitting Pere Jean-Juste.   At that point a young woman came out of the funeral crowd and embraced Fr. Jean-Juste shielding him with her body from the blows and the increasingly loud and angry young men.   She started praying loudly and saying "mon pere, mon pere."
    A man in a suit, who identified himself as head of security for the funeral, rushed back in from the church area - only a few feet away and in plain view -and told Fr. Gerry these people were going to kill him there in the sacristy unless he fled.   Fr. Jean-Juste knelt to pray and the woman and I knelt with him in the middle of the growing crowd.
    At that point people started slapping Fr. Jean-Juste on the head and face and spitting on him and the other two of us.   Something then hit Fr. Jean-Juste in the head.   Someone punched him in the eye.   We stood up and a few UN CIVPOL officers showed up to help us leave the sacristy of the church.   As we tried to get to the stairs people continued pushing and screaming and shouting threats.   They continued to call out "assassin," "criminal," and "kill the rat."   The crowd now overwhelmed the police.   More people spit on us and hit Fr. Gerry, even in the face, while others were grabbing his church vestments trying to drag him off the church steps.
    The CIVPOL were trying to hold back the crowd but were still well outnumbered and were not able to halt the mob.   We moved up the steps into a narrow dark corridor while the crowd pushed and shoved and spit and hit.   We then retreated into a smaller corridor and finally to a dead end that contained two small concrete toilet stalls.
    The three of us were pushed into the stalls as the crowd banged on the walls and doors of the stalls and continued screaming.   The woman held the door closed and prayed loudly as the people outside roared and the CIVPOL called for reinforcements.
    After a few minutes, reinforcements arrived and the hallway was finally cleared of all but us and the authorities.
    A man in a suit identifying himself as secretary for security for Haiti told us that he was going to have to arrest Fr. Jean-Juste because public clamor had identified him as the assassin of journalist Jacques Roche.   The police would bring him to the police station for his own safety.
    Fr. Jean-Juste told the man that he was in Florida when the journalist was killed and he wanted to return to St. Claire's, his parish.   The man left escorting out the woman who helped us.
    In a few minutes, CIVPOL police, including troops from Jordan, surrounded Fr. Jean-Juste and I and ran us out of the church to a police truck.   The truck with police with machine guns sped away from the church and took us not to Fr. Gerry's parish but to the police station in Petionville.
    For the next seven or eight hours we were kept in a room while the UN forces and the Haitian forces negotiated about what to do.   Fr. Gerry read his prayer book while we waited.   We were told informally that the UN wanted to escort Fr. Jean-Juste back to his parish but the Haitian government was insisting that he be arrested.
    The attackers were allowed to go free and not arrested, but they wanted to arrest the victim!
    Fr. Gerry told me "This is all a part of the death sentence called down upon me on the radio in Miami.   The searches at the airport, the visits to the police stations, the mandate to appear before a criminal judge yesterday, and now this.   It is all part of the effort to silence my voice for democracy."
    At about 6pm, several Haitian officers came into our room and ordered Fr. Gerry and I and Haitian attorney Mario Joseph to come with them.
    The officers held out a piece of paper that they said was an official complaint against Fr. Gerry accusing him of being the assassin of Jacques Roche.
    The complaint was based on "public clamor" at the funeral identifying him as the murderer.
    They refused to let Fr. Jean-Juste or the lawyers see this paper.
    It was their obligation, they said, to investigate this public clamor identifying him as the murderer.   If Fr. Jean-Juste chose not to talk with them, they would put him in jail immediately.
    Fr. Jean-Juste agreed to the interrogation and it went on for over three hours.   He was growing increasingly sore and tired from the beating he took, but was not bleeding externally.   When the lawyers argued with the police, Fr. Gerry read his prayer book.
    The police already knew that Fr. Jean-Juste was in Florida at the time of the kidnapping and death of the journalist, because the police had already interviewed him several times in the last few days in connection with the other false allegations against him, but asked him many questions anyway.
    How many cell phones did he have?   What is his exact relation to Jacques Roche?   Why did he go to the funeral?   Can he prove he was in Florida?   Since he was on the news in Florida can he provide a copy of the newstape showing he was in Florida?
    When Aristide was president was he provided with armed security?   What happened to the pistols that his security had?   Could he find out and have any pistols returned to the government?   Why did he go to the funeral?   Did Lavalas promise Aristide to execute someone from the group of 184 in retaliation for them taking power?   When was the last time he was in the US?   Are the Catholic sisters in Bel-Air with you when you got to demonstrations there?   and on and on.
    After over three hours, the interrogation finished.
    With great solemnity the police told Fr. Jean-Juste that he was being charged with participating in the death of Jacques Roche and not returning state property.   The said the law orders that he will be brought before a judge within 48 hours for further decision.
    At exactly 10pm, Fr. Gerry handed me his keys and church vestments and was locked into the jail cell at Petionville with many, many others.   He was holding a pink plastic rosary, his prayer book and a roll of toilet paper.
    He flashed a tired smile and told me: "Now you see what we are up against in Haiti.   If they treat me like this, think how they treat the poor people.   Tell everyone that with the help of God and everyone else I will keep up the good fight.   Everyone else should continue to fight for democracy as well.   The truth will come out.   I am innocent of all charges.   I will be free soon.   Freedom for Haiti is coming.   The struggle continues."
    As I left him, a very tired Fr. Gerard Jean-Juste was being greeted by all the prisoners in the very crowded jail cell as "mon pere!"
    Bill Quigley is a law professor at Loyola University New Orleans and is co-counsel with Mario Joseph and the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti.
    Common Dreams © 1997-2006
    Thursday, July 21st, 2005
    Day of Protest Decries Deaths in Haiti
    Day of Protest Decries Deaths in Haiti
    Haitian Human Rights Activist Accuses UN of Killing Dozens in Recent Attack on Port Au Prince Neighborhood
    — Click Here
    We go first to Haiti, where violence continues to wrack the capital of Port-au-Prince.   More than 700 people have been killed since September.   Today a coordinated day of protest is planned to condemn the July 6th UN raid on Cite Soleil, which may have left as many as 23 Haitian civilians dead.   The protests in Brazil and ten North American cities follows a demonstration by more than 5,000 people in City Soleil last week.
    Also this week, prominent political leader Father Gerard Jean-Juste was detained by police and falsely accused of bringing weapons, bombs and money for mercenaries back to Haiti from Miami.   Father Jean-Juste is a prominent leader in ousted president Jean-Bertrand Aristide's Lavalas party.   Lavalas is calling for a boycott of upcoming elections unless Aristide is allowed to return from exile in South Africa.
    This comes as a U.S.-backed advisory council that oversees Haiti's interim government recommended Saturday that Lavalas be barred from upcoming elections, accusing the party of encouraging violence.   And last week, journalist Jacques Roche, cultural editor with the daily Le Matin, was kidnapped and murdered.   Some are pinning the murder on Lavalas forces.
  • Father Gerard Jean-Juste, Roman Catholic priest in Haiti and possible Lavalas presidential candidate.   Speaking from Port-au-Prince.
  • AMY GOODMAN:    We are joined now on the phone by Father Gerard Jean-Juste.   He’s attending the funeral of Jacques Roche.   Also on the line Bill Quigley, a volunteer attorney with the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti.   Welcome to Democracy Now!
    FATHER GERARD JEAN-JUSTE:    Thank you very much, Amy.   Good morning to you.   Good morning to everyone.   And as you said, I am in Port-au-Prince in the middle of struggle, but with the help of God we are surviving and providing [inaudible] services [inaudible].
    AMY GOODMAN:    Father Jean-Juste, can you describe what happened to you when you returned to Haiti last Friday?
    FATHER GERARD JEAN-JUSTE:    There was a radio station in Miami where somebody has rented an hour on the radio program on the radio.   And then they were accusing me falsely, saying that I’m transporting bombs and ammunition and also big sum of money to Haiti.   And as I arrive at the airport about to board the plane, they called upon me, and then I saw three agents who came and demand that I be searched.
    So they stopped me.   And as I’m talking to you [inaudible] I’m driving, and the police is [inaudible] me, and so [inaudible] difficult.   So they stopped me.   They searched me, and they searched my bags that was already on the plane.
    Then they let the plane leave for Haiti, and arriving in Haiti that Friday the 15th of July, arriving in Haiti by 1:30, finally.   And I found security posted everywhere.   And then I went to customs again, Haitian customs, and they searched all my luggages, everything.
    And after I went through all the search and as I was setting out to go home, and then a policeman approached me and said that they want me to come with them to go to the – to where they have the police station by the airport.   So that's where I went.   Yeah, that’s where I went, and I stayed until, I think it was about 4:00, and I left there by 6:00.
    They wanted to question me about many things, and then finally I said to them, “Hey, listen, I have a service at 4:30 and have another one at 7:30, and I'm not going to answer any questions today,” after I identified myself and said everything about where I’m coming from, but “any question regarding any [inaudible].   I’m not going to answer anything.”   And then as they understand that I was not going to talk, they called a chief and the chief asked them to make me fill the form that I'm not going to answer and they could take another appointment with me.   And so, that’s what was done, and they let me go home by 6:00.
    And then I returned to the police station, but this time the headquarters, because this [inaudible] central direction [inaudible] judiciary police.   And they made me wait from 10:00 to 11:30 in a hot room with bright lights on my head without [inaudible] in the room with one chair.   And by 11:30 the chief came and said, “Hey, we don't have any questions for you right now.   You go home, and then we'll write you when we need you again.”   And so, that was it.
    And meanwhile I got a warning to be present at the court Wednesday, July 20.   So I went to the court yesterday.   They interrogate me for about two hours, from 9:30 to 11:30, and the judge took all these [inaudible] instruction and let me go and [inaudible] said be ready.   Whenever they need me, they will call upon me again.
    So this is where I am.   Everybody want a piece of me and keeping me harassed, and then I’m persecuted, and threats coming from all over.   And meanwhile, I have been very busy helping the kids in my neighborhood to have a nice summer, thanks to many friends who have helped me about that.
    So right now, today I’m on my way to attend the funeral of Jacques Roche, a prominent journalist who had been kidnapped and killed.   And I'm going to show myself because his parents are from my town, and at a certain time, one of his relatives saved my life.
    I was being attacked by a mob, and then Mrs. Roche came out, saw me, and get me off the gangs and sheltered me at her house.   So this is why I feel that I should be there regardless that they keep accusing Lavalas people of participating in the killings.
    None of us – no Lavalas -- has responsibility, in my point of view.   So what's going on now?   We become the scapegoat.  
    Whatever happens in this country, they put it on the back of Lavalas.   And so this is a wrong thinking that is very dangerous.
    They want to get rid of Lavalas, and so anything, they blame Lavalas.   So I think enough is enough.   If we want peace in this country, if we want a return to democracy, it’s not the way for the official to operate?
    They should let the justice system make its way by going to investigation, find the proper criminal element, and then bring the criminal element to justice.
    UN enforcers for the elite
    Port-au-Prince, Haiti
    Yesterday there was a kidnapping.   They found a guy, about a light-skinned guy, who was involved, and they didn’t even let us see his face.   They covered his face at the airport, and we only see the white feet on the television.   And then, so far we have no instruction on this accused person.   So that’s the way it is.
    There are some people, they are being aimed at, they are being persecuted, they're being targeted.   And others, regardless that they caught them in the pudding, they try to protect them.   So this is a double standard, and we wish that this will – this persecution of Lavalas will stop.   The sooner the better.
    And bring the constitutional — let's return to constitutional order, because in my point of view, the president, the de facto president Boniface, the de facto prime minister Gerard Latortue, they’re all criminal, because they have been taking the power with violence and with [inaudible] within the international community, with a silent killing, police destroying institutional goods, destroying the state goods [inaudible].
    They are all criminal.   They are the ones who should be brought to justice, and free all of the political prisoners, especially the legal prime minister, Yvon Neptune.
    AMY GOODMAN:    Father Jean-Juste, I want to thank you for being with us.   One last quick question: today there are protests in a number of cities in North America, from Brazil to the United States to Canada, for the killings in Cite Soleil last week.   On Democracy Now! we had a report about the U.N. troops moving in.   What is the aftermath, and are there protests today in Haiti?
    FATHER GERARD JEAN-JUSTE:    We protested yesterday.   And today, as the funeral is taking place, I think the funeral will take the lead and in honor of Jacques Roche, we are not going to protest in the street today.
    There will be a protest today organized by the journalists [inaudible] we are in very good support and we are very grateful to all Haiti friends, Haitian American and all of the other friends of Haitians in U.S., in Canada, in Brazil who are demonstrating.   [inaudible]
    Last Thursday there was one of key demonstration that we had at the consulate, at the Brazilian consulate in Miami.   Since after persecution has increased for me, but this is our right to peacefully demonstrate, and wherever we are, we are going to keep exercise that right.
    And I hope that everything will go fine for our brothers and sisters who are peacefully demonstrating in the world, and then the message will be clear. 
    We won't accept massacre from any troops in Haiti, and from police or from the international troops, we won't accept massacre.
    They’re massacring the poorest Haitians, and we say no.   We should massacre nobody.
    So in that sense we appreciate very much the pickets and the demonstrations organized all over U.S. and Canada and Brazil.
    AMY GOODMAN:    Thank you very much, Father Jean-Juste.   Father Jean-Juste, a Catholic priest in Haiti who was recently detained by Haitian forces.   He had been in prison for months without charge, now talking on this day where there is protests throughout North America on the killing of Cite Soleil residents by U.N. troops. Father Jean-Juste, speaking to us from the streets of Port-au-Prince where he said he is driving and being followed now by police.
     UN Uruguay enforcers for elite
     Protest against rising food
    As Haiti's anniversary nears, pride runs as deep as despair
    The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

    Published on: 12/31/03

    Lannis Waters /Palm Beach Post
    Michelle Pauline works outdoors at Haiti's largest market, chopping pigs' feet and chicken parts. Making money to feed six children would beat a celebration, she said.
    PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti — For many Haitians, their nation's bicentennial Thursday will be overshadowed by the violence, political discord, poverty and disease that have wracked Haiti for too many decades.
    Despite their dire circumstance, however, Haitians are immensely proud, hardworking and dedicated to their families.   Many do not want handouts, but opportunities.   Many forgo the chance to leave the island, or if they do so, inevitably return, drawn by a ravaged but magical land and its alluring culture.
    What follows are brief portraits of a handful of Haitians caught at spare moments in their everyday lives.  Their stories tell a bit about this complex country and its people, of their feelings about the bicentennial, their despair over Haiti's problems and their hopes for a better future.
    WILLIE SAINT, 16, student
    Decouze — "I have six rabbits," said Willie Saint, who lives in a village without electricity or running water high in the mountains an hour south of Port-au-Prince.   "I will sell you one for 300 gourdes [about $7].   The meat is very fine."
    More than 43 percent of Haiti's population is younger than 14.   Like many youths, Willie is studying hard in school, fueling hope for a better life.
    But 66 percent of Haiti's population cannot find jobs in the formal economy, and Willie may well grow up to a life of scrambling to survive by selling rabbits, rather than earning a steady paycheck.
    "I want my country to be nice," he said, his eyes bright with optimism.   "I want to be an engineer."
    EDOURD EXUME, 65, farmer, charcoal maker
    Jacmel — Edourd Exume leans on his shovel near a smoking pile of chopped wood covered by dirt and leaves.   He will work for one week to make nine bags of charcoal that he'll sell for the equivalent of about $35.   With five children, Exume cannot afford to worry that he's contributing to one of Haiti's most severe problems: deforestation, the stripping of the land for fuel, which has left more than 90 percent of the island denuded.
    "Poor people don't celebrate," he said about Haiti's bicentennial.   "Only God knows about such things.   I don't know if I will survive until tomorrow."
    UN Nepal enforcers for elite
    MICHELLE PAULINE, 30, butcher
    Port-au-Prince — Michelle Pauline toils in the bedlam of the capital's main market, her sharp knife chopping the frozen pigs' feet and chicken parts she buys by the box to sell to other poor people like herself.
    She has six children and works from dawn to dusk amid a fetid tableau.  Disease-carrying flies flock around the meat, raw sewage flows through an open trench beside the street, and piles of stinking trash are everywhere.
    It's easy to see why 68 of every 1,000 Haitian children die before age 5 from diarrhea, an illness Americans treat with medicine that costs pennies.
    Pauline has no time to contemplate such statistics, much less Haiti's bicentennial.
    "We don't care about that," she says.   "We need money."
    JEAN-BERTRAND ARISTIDE, 50, president, Republic of Haiti
    Port-au-Prince — For millions of Haitians, Jean-Bertrand Aristide represents their best hope: a democratically elected break from a past of coups and despots, a former Catholic priest who vows to help the neediest in a nation where 80 percent of the population lives in abject poverty.
    His critics, however, say Aristide is surrounded by a government of thieves, and that his grip on power is enforced by armed thugs who routinely threaten, beat and even kill his critics — charges he denies.
    With demonstrators in the streets almost daily calling for his resignation, Aristide shows no sign of stepping down, pressing the international community to release $500 million in aid blocked since disputed 2000 parliamentary elections.
    "You cannot overlook the consequences of this embargo," he said.   "People are dying because they can't buy medicine or because they aren't fed properly.   This government is doing its best to build schools and clinics, but there is only so much we can do.   I call for solutions never through confrontation, always through dialogue."
    ANDY APAID, 52, factory owner
    Port-au-Prince — Part of Haiti's tiny elite, Andy Apaid's family runs several textile mills that employ more than 4,000 people, making them one of Haiti's largest employers.
    "We pay our workers 2 1/2 times the minimum wage," he said, an amount that equals about $4.50 per day.  "It's small but it's an opportunity.   Haiti is in dire need of jobs."
    90 percent live without potable water
    In recent months, Apaid has organized a campaign to change Haiti's history of woeful political failure by demanding that politicians of all stripes agree to basic principles: honest, efficient government; respect for political adversaries; transparency in all public enterprises.
    But Apaid has since abandoned his nonpartisan stance, leading marches demanding that President Aristide resign.
    "He's treating people with the same repressive ways, making the same mistakes of the past," Apaid said.
    JOSEPH MERILIEN, 60, tomb builder
    Port-au-Prince — Even the dead are not safe from criminals in Haiti.
    The nation's poverty is so extreme that thieves have begun ransacking tombs, dragging dusty coffins from crypts to strip them of their brass handles and hinges, which they sell to coffin makers in a bizarre round of recycling.
    Along a narrow avenue of tombs, Joseph Merilien sweats, shirtless, his face and frame gaunt from years of hard work in the blistering climate.   He is a craftsman of the dead, a man who builds and repairs the crypts.
    A laborer with no education, he shrugs when asked the solution to Haiti's vexing problems.
    "This is a difficult question," he said.   "I don't know the answer."
    Merilien, at least, is assured of steady work.   Haiti's life expectancy is a shocking 52 years, 17 years less than its neighbors in Latin America and the Caribbean.
    CLAUDINE LUBIN, 23, cook
    Jacmel — Claudine Lubin is the oldest of nine children, but she is more mother than sister to her siblings.
    "First our mother died, and then our father became paralyzed," Lubin said.  "His mother died and left him a lot of land, and his relatives put a voodoo curse on him because they wanted the land.   I had to quit school to take care of the family."
    Lubin is matter-of-fact about the tragedies of her young life, and about the power of voodoo, a fascinating mix of African, Caribbean and Catholic beliefs that millions of Haitians adhere to.   She only wishes someone would cast a spell on Haiti to solve its problems.
    She feeds her family — along with her own young baby — on the pennies she earns selling plates of fish, fried bananas and salad.   She earns about 60 cents per plate.
    "Haiti's problem is that there are no jobs," she said.   "If there were jobs, do you think we'd be here cleaning these fish?"
    © 2004 The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
    Operation Sweatshop
    Ordered by UN Security Council
    Slavery or Freedom?
    If history is anything to go by, just three per cent of us taking decisive action will be enough to stop dictatorship being established in Europe and the USA and resurrect the real democracy.
    Whether we live in the USA or Europe, we are watching the accelerating speed with which republics and democratic states are being transformed into dictatorships.
    Regional dictatorships are emerging in the form of the North American Union and the European Union.
    These totalitarian systems will, in turn, be subsumed under a single global dictatorship controlled by the WHO, the UN and the IMF.
    Behind the UN complex is a corporate crime syndicate that uses these bodies as vehicles for their grab for world domination, also by declaring a pandemic emergency which has given WHO and the UN extraordinary powers over the national governments around the world, including health services and police services
    Haiti poor
    verses the one percent that owns the world
    A daughter arrives at her parents’ house high in the hills of Port-au-Prince, her father is home, lying in the yard, under a tree, vomiting
    Also in Meille was a battalion of Nepalese UN military working for MINUSTAH, the United Nations Controlling The Poor Mission in Haiti
    This same strain of cholera had broken out in Kathmandu on 23 September 2010, shortly before the UN military forces left for Haiti to control the poor and preserve the status of those who have money
    In Haiti, which means the poor have nothing, the rich have everything
    Haiti and the US — a classic game of the criminal blaming the victim
    Aristide, through two terms in office — both of which he was deposed in the middle of — was sabotaged at every step by the U.S. CIA, USAID, the European Union, the Canadian government, the IMF, and the World Bank.
    After perpetrating a reign of superpower terrorism that includes 33 coups d’etat, financing right wing paramilitarism, the terrorizing, abduction and murder of human rights activists, the hijacking of loans meant to establish sources of clean, potable water, hospitals, and clinics, dismantling the democratic election process, forbidding the existence of the largest political party in the country, Fanmi Lavalas, and fomenting the spreading of disease, starvation, mass murder and U.S. hegemony via the Monroe Doctrine, many Haitians believe that the U.S. State Department is now in firm control of the monster it has created.
         UN soldiers shoot at Haitian mourners       
         Pictures and images of Haiti     
           Haiti victim of US imperialism    
    For more images of the Haiti quake
    — click here
    They initially asked for 300 pesos, or $20.00 USD
    San Quintín Valley — You come here and sell everything because you haven’t got a cent and here is definitely worse, because you come with promises, illusions, and nothing happens.
    Grassroots mobilizations and work stoppages, caravans and tours through different towns and cities in Baja California and the country to publicize their fight and make alliances.
    Complicity between the State and business owners not only promotes this state of affairs, but also assumes that the economically and politically powerful can act above the law.
    The money that the workers should, but do not, receive is therefore redirected to employers.
      Afghanistan — Western Terror States: Canada, US, UK, France, Germany, Italy      
           Photos of Afghanistan people being killed and injured by NATO      

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