"They can't make me resign."
"So that history won't repeat itself, I resign the right to constitutional succession."
Hormando Vaca Díez — June 9, 2005

An Hour with Bolivian President Evo Morales: “Neoliberalism Is No Solution for Humankind” — Click Here
Discusses the election of Barack Obama, US-Bolivian relations, the global economic crisis and more.
Evo Morales is visiting the United States at a time when relations between the two countries are deteriorating.
Last month, the Bush administration suspended long-term trade benefits with Bolivia over its alleged failure to cooperate in the “war on drugs.”
Meanwhile, Morales has given the Drug Enforcement Administration three months to leave Bolivia.
He accused DEA agents of violating Bolivian sovereignty and encouraging the drug trade.
Five kilometres (three miles) above sea level, road from La Paz, Bolivia.

More than half a mile beneath — cradled between canyon walls — a thin silver thread: the Coroico River rushing to join the Amazon.

Photo: BBC
Five kilometres (three miles) above sea level, road from La Paz.
More than half a mile beneath — cradled between canyon walls — a thin silver thread: the Coroico River rushing to join the Amazon.
Saturday, 11 November 2006
The world's most dangerous road
By Mark Whitaker
BBC News, Bolivia
Every year it is estimated 200 to 300 people die on a stretch of road less than 50 miles long.
Every year it is estimated 200 to 300 people die on a stretch of road less than 50 miles long."
It seems perverse that one of the main roads out of one of the highest cities on Earth should actually climb as it leaves town.
But climb it does — just short of a lung-sapping five kilometres (three miles) above sea level, where even the internal combustion engine is forced to toil and splutter.
Then it pauses for a while on the snow-flecked crest of the Andes before pitching — like a giant white knuckle ride — into the abyss.
The road from Bolivia's main city, La Paz, to a region known as the Yungas was built by Paraguayan prisoners of war back in the 1930s.
Many of them perished in the effort. Now it is mainly Bolivians who die on the road — in their thousands.
In 1995, the Inter American Development Bank christened it the most dangerous road in the world.
And, as you start your descent, and your driver whispers a prayer, you begin to see why.
The bird's eye view is on the left, on the front seat passenger's side, where the Earth itself seems to open up.
A cross at the side of the road

Crosses at the roadside mark the locations of fatal accidents.
Crosses at the roadside mark the locations of fatal accidents.
A gigantic vertical crack appears. Way below, more than half a mile beneath your passenger window, you can see — cradled between canyon walls — a thin silver thread: the Coroico River rushing to join the Amazon.
On the driver's side there is a sheer rock wall rising to the heavens. There is no margin of error. The road itself is barely three metres wide. That is if you can call it a road.
After the initial stretch to the top of the mountain it is just dirt track. And yet — incredibly — it is a major route for trucks and buses.
Hairpin bends
Drivers stop to pour libations of beer into the earth — to beseech the goddess Pachamama for safe passage.
Then, chewing coca leaves to keep themselves awake, they are off at break-neck speeds in vehicles which should not be on any road, let alone this one.
Perched on hairpin bends over dizzying precipices, crosses and stone cairns mark the places where travellers' prayers went unheeded. Where, for someone — the road ended.
But even these stark warnings are all too often ignored. As first one — and then a second impatient motorist — overtook our car on the ravine side of the road, my own driver — who hardly ever spoke a word and only then in his native Aymara — intoned loudly, eerily and in perfect English... "You will die."
It is not a rash prediction to make.
Vehicle by the cliff edge

Extreme weather conditions make driving more hazardous.
Extreme weather conditions make driving more hazardous.
Every year it is estimated 200 to 300 people die on a stretch of road less than 50 miles long. In one year alone, 25 vehicles plunged off the road and into the ravine. That is one every two weeks.
It is the end of the dry season in Bolivia.
Soon the rains will come — cascading down the walls of the chasm.
Huge waterfalls will drench the road — turning its surface to slime.
Then will come those heart-stopping moments when wheels skid and brakes fail to grip.
There are stories told of truckers too tired — or too afraid — to continue, who pull over for the night, hoping to see out an Andean storm.
But they have parked too close to the edge. And as they sleep in their cabs, the road is washed away around them.
This is not the place to drop off.
Cliff edge
But for now the road is a ribbon of dust. Every vehicle passing along it churns up a sandstorm in its wake.
Choking, blinding clouds obscure the way ahead. Around one hairpin, a cloud of debris was beginning to clear.
Further down the road we passed a spot where a set of fresh tyre tracks headed out into the void
It seemed at first that they had got off to stretch their legs, while their driver argued with another vehicle coming in the other direction about who should give way. (Reversing is not something you undertake lightly on a cliff edge.)
It transpired instead though, that the bus driver was dying. Blinded by the dust, he had run into the back of a truck. The bus's steering column had gone through him — severing his legs.
There was nothing anyone could do. Mobile phones do not work here. In any case, who would you call? There are no emergency services.
And no way of getting help through, even if any were to be found. The bus driver bled to death.
We edged past the crumpled bus, and headed on.
Further down the road we passed a spot where a set of fresh tyre tracks headed out into the void. They told their own story.
High in the Andes, they are building a new road. A by-pass, to replace the old one. But this is Bolivia, and already it has been 20 years in the making.
Who knows when it will be complete? Until it is, people will have to continue offering up their prayers, and taking their lives in their hands on the most dangerous road in the world.
Petroleum and natural gas are riches found in our territory; they represent national wealth.
The presence of oil and gas provides an objective condition that can permit the expansion of the national economy and the raising of the quality of life and work using our own Bolivian resources.
Bolivia possesses a great wealth of petroleum and natural gas, but these resources do not currently benefit the Bolivian people.
The sheer value of the oil and gas is important to the future of the Bolivian economy.
The 52.3 trillion cubic feet of gas reserves in Bolivia — reserves presently in the hands of foreign capitalists — are minimally worth $120 billion.
This means that financial resources exist in Bolivia for improving the living conditions of the whole population.
The resources exist for job creation, better salaries, and expanding free services.
June 10, 2005 By OSCAR OLIVERA
One hundred twenty billion dollars is an extraordinary amount of money.
The resources exist to modify the structure of national production by broadening its industrial base, improving the transportation system, and diversifying the economy.
Better yet, it could build the economy without the foreign loans or favors that always end up submerging us in greater dependency.
But as long as this wealth belongs to foreign businessmen who have appropriated resources that belong to others, these dreams remain unfulfilled.
Foreign capitalists are getting rich, and intend to go on getting rich, from these resources.
They restrict the possibilities that this wealth, which should belong to us, might be used to benefit the lives of all Bolivians.
The capitalists, whether local or foreign, puts profits and her or his own personal benefit above the collective and national interest.
The transfer of wealth to private and foreign hands is the fate that has befallen the collective national patrimony.
What could be a source of rebirth for the productive capacity of the nation is, for now, only a source of profits and private fortunes for a handful of capitalists.
The private ownership of petroleum and natural gas by these businessmen constitutes, without any doubt, the strangulation of one of the greatest opportunities the nation has ever had to finance and to sustain the type of productive growth that can benefit the population, satisfy our needs, and fulfill our right to a dignified communal life.
We have economic wealth, but this wealth is not under our control.
We have the potential to make a great technological and productive leap that could benefit working people — the real owners of the gas and oil.
Yet those who stand ready to benefit are foreign businessmen and their local commercial and political associates who have handed over to foreign capital what belongs not to them but to all Bolivians.
Aymara people block highway
< — By Forrest Hylton — http://www.counterpunch.org/hylton06142005.html
Stalemate in Bolivia — 2005
On June 9, one of the most eventful days of late in Bolivia, the neoliberal right that has run the country since 1985 suffered its second historic defeat since national-popular forces overthrew President Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada in October 2003.
Indigenous peasant trade unionists and miners from Oruro, Potosí, and Sucre, arriving on foot and by minibus, surrounded Sucre's Plaza 25 de Mayo to insure that head of the Senate, Hormando Vaca Díez, did not take over as president.
Anonymous graffiti in La Paz — where mobilization continued, albeit at a lesser pitch of intensity — expressed a common sentiment: "Hormando ni cagando."*
Using the tried-and-true tactic of vote buying, Vaca Díez tried to forge a parliamentary majority composed of discredited political parties (ADN, MNR, MIR, NFR) backed by the US Embassy.
The embassy's political advisor, Eduardo Sffeir, had been spotted in Sucre with Sánchez de Lozada's son-in-law and chief domestic political operator, Mauricio Balcazar.
In a meeting with US citizens, Ambassador Greenlee declared US government support for a constitutional succession.
Evo Morales and MAS denounced a parliamentary coup with fascist leanings.
Because of the scale of mobilization, parliament — set to convene in Sucre for the first time since the opening salvos of the Federal War in 1898 — was unable to meet.
Unionized workers from Avasa went on strike, so airports were closed, and Vaca Díez could not fly back to Santa Cruz, which his followers had been called on to "unblockade"; like all but a few of the departmental capitals (Trinidad, Tarija), Santa Cruz had been surrounded from the countryside.
With warnings of civil war — amplified in the international press ­ coming from right, left, and center, the US State Department recommended evacuation of all non-emergency personnel, and the Spanish embassy planned to evacuate 3,600 citizens.
The IMF was also looking to get its people out, as imperial power was on the run. Neither commodities nor people — excepting miners and peasants on their way to join protests — circulated in most of the country.
The planned evacuations had to be scrapped, though, and Vaca Díez had no choice but to hole up in his hotel in Sucre, where he gave a press conference accusing Mesa and Morales of directing the uprising that had forced him to be where he was.
Bolivia's possession of natural gas and petroleum, because of their world-wide use, is what most strongly ties the national economy to world trade and foreign investment.
The principal consumers of Bolivia's hydrocarbons are businesses, governments, and citizens of other nations, particularly those in neighboring countries.
Moreover, it is estimated that by the end of 2000 direct gas-related foreign investment in Bolivia originating from extremely powerful multinational companies will total $1.4 billion, equivalent to 20 percent of our GDP.2
www.greenleft.org       December 7, 2005       Federico Fuentes, La Paz
BOLIVIA: Whoever wins, El Alto will fight
At 4000 metres above sea level and sprawling above the capital La Paz, the inhabitants of the fastest growing city in Latin America — El Alto — have consistently shown their readiness to fight for their rights, kicking out two presidents in the last two years.
The message from El Alto for the winner of Bolivia's upcoming national elections is clear.   “Whoever [becomes president] will have to attend to the demands of the people of El Alto.   That is our position in concrete”, Abel Mamani, president of the Federation of Neighborhood Councils of El Alto (FEJUVE), told Green Left Weekly.
It is perhaps no coincidence that El Alto has become the site of one of the most powerful and radicalised social forces in Latin America.
Since 1952, El Alto's population has grown from 11,000 to 95,000 in 1976, 307,000 in 1985 and 650,000 in 2001.
Today, it is estimated that the population is more than 800,000, with 81% identifying as indigenous, predominately Aymara.
The average age of this young city is 22 and 60% of the population are under 30 years of age.
The mixture people who have migrated to El Alto have added to the city becoming a radical melting pot.
Many Aymara and Quechua Indians forced off their lands by the crisis in traditional small-scale farming have taken to calling El Alto home.
Coming from rural areas with strong traditions of local self-organisation — such as the Aymara from the Omasuyos region, where local villagers expelled police, local judges and mayors in 2000 and established their own authorities — they have brought these traditions with them, including burning down the mayor's office in El Alto.
Others are former miners, the historic backbone of Bolivia's militant working class, who as a result of the privatisation of Bolivia's mines in 1985 were left without a livelihood.
Many of Bolivia's unemployed have also migrated to El Alto in order to join the ranks of the rapidly growing informal sector.
As Raul Zibechi points out in his October 14 article “Survival and existence in El Alto”, posted on Counterpunch, “this explosive growth — an average of nearly 10% annually — has left a large portion of the inhabitants of El Alto without access to basic services.
In 1997, UNICEF estimated that only 34% of El Alto residents had access to all services, including paved or cobbled streets, trash pick-up, and telephone service.
In 1992, only 20% of the inhabitants had access to sewage and 18% to trash pick-up.
But in some districts, those percentages are declining; in the case of sewage by 2%, while the steps necessary to obtain it can take up to 10 years.  
Twenty percent do not have potable water or electricity, and 80% live on dirt roads.”
In El Alto today, 45% of the population lives in poverty, with a further 20% in extreme poverty.
This situation has forced the people of El Alto to begin to build, from the ground up, their own city.
“Services have been constructed by the inhabitants themselves, who formed neighborhood councils that then formed [FEJUVE]”, Zibechi added.
Today there are nearly 600 neighbourhood councils, which in essence act as what Aymara sociologist Pablo Mamani has described as “micro governments”.  
The community looks to these committees to fix its problems, whether by organising the community itself to carry out the necessary public works, or mobilising people to ensure that government authorities act on their demands.
The mobilisations of October 2003 marked an important development in the politics of El Alto.
Firstly, it brought the altenos, organised through FEJUVE and the Regional Workers Central (COR) of El Alto, to the forefront of Bolivia's social movements, with its decisive role in the ousting of former president Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada.
Perhaps more importantly, it marked for the first time a shift in the demands of the people of El Alto beyond local issues to taking up national issues, namely the recuperation of gas, and forcing the issue of who should control this huge source of wealth — the transnationals or the people — into the national discussion.
They repeated this feat in May-June of this year, this time forcing Carlos Mesa to resign.
The social movements were united around the demand of the nationalisation of gas.   These mobilisations also resulted in the calling of early elections.
Faced with the upcoming elections, El Alto's organisations have taken differing positions.
Leaders of both the COR and FEJUVE initially flirted with the idea of standing candidates under the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) banner, as well as discussing the possibility of joining the centre-left electoral front proposed by a number of the current mayors of Bolivia's major cities.
MAS is seen by most as the left-wing alternative in these elections, whose victory would mean the first indigenous president in the majority indigenous nation.
The MAS presidential candidate Evo Morales, Aymara leader of the coca growers' federation from the Chapare region, is currently leading the election race, running on a platform of a break with the last 20 years of neoliberal rule, nationalisation of gas and a constituent assembly to involve the indigenous majority in rewriting the constitution.
While the proposed electoral front did not eventuate, discussions between MAS and FEJUVE reached a point where it seemed that Abel Mamani could be the MAS candidate for La Paz governor.
However due to FEJUVE's demands for more positions than were on offer on the MAS ticket, and the fight put up by MAS members to ensure that they got the positions they felt they deserved for their years of militancy in the organisation, negotiations broke down.
Other members at the middle level of leadership in COR and FEJUVE raised the idea of the creation of El Alto's own political instrument, however these discussions were unable to develop into the construction of a new political force.
Linder Surco, head of the education and cultural department of the COR, told GLW that “unfortunately, these elections offer no exit to the problems that we face such as poverty.
They will not resolve the problems that the country is living through such as the problem of the hydrocarbons.
At this point in time we do not support and will not support an election like that which is being put forward for December.”
The COR has raised the possibility of actions in the lead-up to the elections and an active boycott on December 18.
This issue will be discussed at a conference co-organised by the COR, the Bolivian Workers Central (COB) and the Trade Union Federation of Bolivian Miners (FSTMB) in El Alto on December 8-10.
FEJUVE has taken a different approach.
Abel Mamani explained: “The elections have to happen.   I don't think it is prudent to boycott the elections because in the end, through these elections we will achieve something much more important than the elections, which is the Consistent Assembly.   That is what we are interested in.”
“Through the Constituent Assembly we will be able to achieve changes in this country, changes in issues such as the administration of the hydrocarbons, the government's management of basic services and many more things.   That is why for me the elections are important.”
Asked what a possible MAS government could mean, Mamani was clear.
“Something that is not good is the false expectations that have been created.   I, at least personally, am not convinced that things will change much, at least immediately.   That is why I believe we have the obligation to say the truth to the people.
“There is the expectation that has been created that if MAS is in government they would change things.   I don't believe they will.”
There is no doubt that these expectations exist, and it seems that many altenos will reject the more radical discourse of the social movement leaders and actively participate in the elections in favour of a Morales victory.
Such a decision by the altenos is not something new.
The COR, along with FEJUVE at that time, also took a position of boycotting the referendum on the question of gas in July 2004.
However, according to Julio Mamani, Aymara journalist and director of the Altena Press Agency (APA), the people of El Alto “rejected” this position, instead choosing “to show that they were willing to not just demonstrate their opposition on the streets, but also in the ballot boxes”.
There was mass participation by altenos in the referendum, something MAS had called for.
According to Julio Mamani, “If you ask the ordinary alteno who they will vote for they will tell you immediately, Evo.”
This sentiment is hard to miss as you walk down the streets talking to the locals.
In the 2002 election, Morales scored the highest vote for president in the city of El Alto, which polls indicate he is set to repeat.
Today, such strategic resources are controlled by business consortiums whose only goal is rapid private gain.
These groups stand in the way of the possibilities we have, as a country, for productive development and autonomy in matters of economic policy.
      Recovering Bolivia's Oil and Gas      
       — By Oscar Olivera      
www.greenleft.org       December 7, 2005       Federico Fuentes, La Paz
Stalemate in Bolivia — 2005
Agony Postponed?
Whereas neighborhood activists from El Alto spearheaded the overthrow of Sánchez de Lozada with help from indigenous peasants and miners, in May-June 2005, the latter groups were most prominent in the siege of La Paz and Sucre, while alteños focused on maintaining a general strike that lasted almost three weeks.
The message from El Alto for the winner of Bolivia's upcoming national elections is clear.   “Whoever [becomes president] will have to attend to the demands of the people of El Alto.   That is our position in concrete”, Abel Mamani, president of the Federation of Neighborhood Councils of El Alto (FEJUVE), told Green Left Weekly.
Whereas neighborhood activists from El Alto spearheaded the overthrow of Sánchez de Lozada with help from indigenous peasants and miners, in May-June 2005, the latter groups were most prominent in the siege of La Paz and Sucre, while alteños focused on maintaining a general strike that lasted almost three weeks.
It effectively crippled the capital, which ran out of fuel and experienced sharp price rises and partial food shortages.
The sectors with the least contact with and respect for the "civic order" of the capital were at the forefront of the marches on the Plaza Murillo, and their anger inflamed sensibilities of the city's well heeled citizens.
Some of the latter had their neckties cut in acts of symbolic castration.
Indigenous peasant road blockades jumped from 61 on June 6 to 90 on June 7, to 106 on June 8, reaching a high point at 119 on June 9, although no one political force or social movement controlled their implementation.
Seven gas fields — property of Repsol YPF (Chaco) and British Petroleum (Andino) — were taken over by the Assembly of the Guraní People and indigenous frontier settlers, while highland peasants shut off the valves at stations in Sayari (Cochabamba) and Sica Sica (La Paz).
According to the head of what remained of the state-owned hydrocarbon enterprise, YPFB, takeovers at Los Penocos, Sirari, Víbora and Yapacaní on June 6-7 reduced the provision of petroleum by more than 3,000 barrels per day.
The stock of Repsol, a consortium of Spanish, Argentine, and US capital with fixed assets of $1.2 billion, plus 2,000 square km of territory under exploitation, and 10,000 under exploration, dropped by 1.4%.
Production of cement and beer — two of Bolivia's only remaining national industries — was also brought to a halt because of blockades and takeovers.
Non-violent but militant protest had proven itself a formidable threat to the reproduction of capital.
The rebellion was larger and more broad-based than any other since October 2003, but in spite of the esprit de corps of indigenous peasants and miners, there was no political center of gravity or strategy for self-government.
On June 9 in El Alto, the radical-popular bloc — made up of the miners' union (FSTMB), regional trade union central (COR), neighborhood association federation (FEJUVE), the indigenous peasant union (CSUTCB-Túpac Katari), the national trade union central headquartered in La Paz (COB) — established a five-point program.
In a mass assembly held in the offices of the FEJUVE, it was decided:
1.) That El Alto was to be the "general barracks of the Bolivian revolution of the twenty-first century."
2.) To conform an Indigenous Popular Assembly (Asemblea Popular Originaria) as an instrument of national power led by the above-mentioned organizations.
3.) To form self-provisioning, self-defense, media, and political commissions.
4.) To keep up incessant struggle for the nationalization and industrialization of gas.
5.) To form of Popular Assemblies at the departmental level under the direction of the Regional Workers' Centrals (COR).
6.) To reject elections or a constitutional succession.
That which claimed to possess the voice of the nation was, at bottom, nothing more than a form of state capitalism.

It sacrificed the collective resources of society to enrich a caste of politicians and military officers.

They, in turn, fattened up and paved the way for the current elite.

This elite, in turn, spearheaded the transnational privatization of petroleum and natural gas.
Plaza de los Heroes in La Paz
< — By Forrest Hylton — http://www.counterpunch.org/hylton06142005.html
Stalemate in Bolivia — 2005
The political profile of radical-popular forces was becoming clearer over time, but as is generally the case in Bolivia, rhetoric outstripped action, and neither the head of the COR not the leader of the FEJUVE was present for the drafting of the final document; once President Rodríguez met with movement leaders in El Alto on June 12, all except for Aymara peasants agreed to demobilize.
Perhaps most remarkable about the meeting of the ASPO and its final document, however, was the tendency it expressed toward greater organic unity between miners, alteños, and Aymara peasants from the provinces of La Paz, who had led the fight to remove Sánchez de Lozada in October 2003.
Less certain were the chances of forging cross-class/ethnic alliances on the basis of a maximalist program, or sustaining the revolutionary momentum.
Yet without maximalist pressure, it is doubtful that even moderate change would have happened.
In a veiled threat against the reactionary bloc represented by Vaca Díez, the head of the Armed Forces, Admiral Luis Aranda, declared on the afternoon of June 9 that "society is demanding profound transformation."
The military's announcement was decisive in preventing Vaca Díez from assuming power, for a State of Seige, and hence military support, would have been necessary to "pacify" insurgent social movements led by miners and peasants.
Earlier on June 9, Juan Carlos Coro Mayta, a 52 year-old mining leader and father of four, was shot and killed in Salancachi, Chuquisaca, when miners clashed with police and soldiers.
Lethal force had not been authorized by former president Carlos Mesa, who had secured his place in history by refusing to use state violence in order to maintain a neoliberal order to which he was deeply committed.
It made little sense to begin killing after he had resigned.
Though Vaca Díez blamed Mesa and Morales for the death of Coro Mayta, the mayor of La Paz, Juan del Granado, assigned responsibility to Vaca Díez and the "machinery of death" he wielded, as did Morales, miners, and the rest of Bolivian social movements.
Political polarization in a growing vacuum, with the added element of state violence, only weakened rightwing forces from the southeast that were ultimately unable to impose their collective will on a majority that rejected their right to govern.
Late into the night of June 9, thousands of peasants and miners held cabildos and vigilias in Plaza San Francisco in La Paz and Plaza 25 de Mayo in Sucre, awaiting their victory.
For they, much more than progressive sectors of the middle class, had determined the balance of political power that forced Vaca Díez to eat his words.
When Vaca Díez effectively turned over power to Eduardo Rodríguez, President of the Supreme Court, at 11:30 PM on June 9, he did not bother to disguise his rage.
To everyone's astonishment, though, he also railed against international financial institutions, which he named as the culprits of Bolivia's misery.
It becomes a question of countering both forms of privatization — the private property of the transnationals and the private property of the state — with forms of social, economic, and political organization.

It is a question of organizing working people, ordinary people, and people who do not live off the labor of others and having them take into their own hands the control, use, and ownership of collective and communal wealth.

The true opposite of privatization is the social reappropriation of wealth by working-class society itself-self-organized in communal structures of management, in assemblies, in neighborhood associations, in unions, and in the rank and file.
www.greenleft.org       December 7, 2005       Federico Fuentes, La Paz
Stalemate in Bolivia — 2005
Agony Postponed?
The possibility of a neoliberal restoration in the country with the highest percentage of indigenous people in the Americas lasted less than a week, for militant direct action — marches, blockades, takeovers, and strikes — prevented it from becoming a reality.
The scope of mobilization forced the military to decide whether it was willing to repress popular protest, and since it was not, Vaca Díez had no chance of assuming the presidency.
The bloc from Santa Cruz that angled for a restoration has a material basis in soy, logging, cattle ranching, and to a lesser degree, oil and gas exploitation controlled by the multinationals.
Inauguration of pipeline to provide natural gas to homes in El Alto
Politically, MIR, ADN, the fraction of the MNR aligned with Sánchez de Lozada, as well as the Civic Committee of Santa Cruz, entrepreneurial associations, and the multinationals supported parliamentarians from Santa Cruz.
These had made every effort to obstruct discussion of the October Agenda in parliament in order to push the January Agenda through.
The southeastern-based neoliberal right was reactionary in two senses: first, the January Agenda responded to radical-popular protest and organization in El Alto against Suez, the French multinational water giant.
Second, it defended a racist, unrepresentative status quo favoring a tiny white minority at the expense of the indigenous majority.
The January Agenda of regional autonomy for Santa Cruz (and, by extension, Tarija) would keep potential revenue from natural gas exploitation in the hands of multinational companies and comprador oligarchs.
This would prevent them from being used to fund infrastructure, land reform, health care, education, and other public services (water, electricity, gas, sewage) a la venezolana.
In a cruel irony, the cruceño elite had benefited from massive state subsidies to agro-business from the late 1950s through the 1970s, then profited from neoliberal reforms in the 1980s and 90s, and benefited from large budget deficits and accumulating foreign debt after 1999.
One unexpected but entirely foreseeable consequence of neoliberal reforms was the narcotics boom, in which lowland elites made much greater economic gains than the coca growers' movement.
As deliriously out of touch as ever, in June 2005, Sánchez de Lozada pinned the blame for the country's regional, ethnic, and class divides on Colombian narcotraffickers, who were said to be plotting a return to Bolivia.
Plaza de los Heroes in La Paz
< — By Forrest Hylton — http://www.counterpunch.org/hylton06142005.html
Stalemate in Bolivia — 2005
More than any other party, MIR — with its notorious ties to the drug trade (narcovínculos) — symbolized the "old corruption" of the 1980s and 90s, and Hormando Vaca Díez was the best (and worst) the decaying neoliberal order could muster.
Though as mentioned, the US Embassy reportedly supported a constitutional succession, it may have been wary of betting on a dead horse.
The US government looks to create a "stable investment climate" for petroleum capital, and aspiring rulers like Vaca Díez have to prove they can provide the requisite guarantees.
If they cannot, imperial support tends to evaporate.
Vaca Díez had badly overestimated his own reach, but he may be able to make good on threats to obstruct parliamentary proposals on nationalization and the constitutional assembly.
Hence he may yet prove useful to the maintenance of the decrepit political system.
The resignation of Vaca Díez demonstrated the extent to which radical-popular, extra-parliamentary mobilization could set limits from below — in partial articulation with the parliamentary opposition (MAS) — on elite machinations.
In that sense, it marked a clear victory for the radical-popular bloc, the second most important after the defeat of Sánchez de Lozada.
The same cannot be said of Mesa's resignation.
Though his inability to govern was manifest in May and June, there is no reason to suppose that elections in December will resolve the apparent impossibility of bringing together the conflicting agendas of January and October.
The coalition represented by Vaca Díez had called for Mesa's renunciation on several occasions, and saw early elections as a way of derailing the October agenda.
For the true nation not to be supplanted by the market or the state, the working class, both urban and rural, and the marginalized and economically insecure of the nation — in other words, the overwhelming majority of society — must assume control over the wealth embodied in hydrocarbons.
And they must do so through assembly-style forms of self-organization at the neighborhood, regional, and national levels.
Monday, 16 January 2006
Friend recalls Che Guevara trip
By Deborah Bonello
In Buenos Aires
Carlos Ferrer
Carlos Ferrer: "I felt obliged to tell the part of the story that I shared"
On 7 July 1953 Ernesto "Che" Guevara — the now legendary revolutionary — and his close childhood friend, Carlos Ferrer, left the Argentine capital, Buenos Aires, on the beginning of a tour of Latin America.
Now, more than 50 years after that trip, Carlos Ferrer, known by his friends as Calica, has written a book, From Ernesto to Che, about their experiences.
That trip saw the transformation of his young childhood friend to the famous Che, the iconic figure known around the world.
Mr Ferrer, now 76 and living in Buenos Aires, explains why, after all this time, he decided to write the book.
"Before, I was very scared that whatever I said could be misunderstood," he says.
"But now that he's such important a figure known around the world, I think that would be unlikely to happen.
"I felt obliged to tell the part of the story that I had the honour to share with Ernesto Guevara."
Friendship test
I don't call him Che — Che is what a lot of people call him — but my friend is called Ernesto, or Ernestito
Carlos Ferrer
Mr Ferrer has also shared his story with actor Benicio del Toro, who is playing Guevara in a new film being directed by Steven Soderbergh.
"I don't call him Che — Che is what a lot of people call him — but my friend is called Ernesto, or Ernestito.   But when I was angry with him, I'd call him something else, but I can't say it here," Mr Ferrer says.
Ernesto, he says in his book, was always demanding.
"When we were 11-years-old, after some typical argument of ours, he came to confront me with his gang, of which of course he was the leader.
"'Look,' he said to me, 'if you want to get back into the gang you have to demonstrate your courage.'
"I didn't want to be on the outside, so accepted and they took me to a place where there was a huge rock with a tunnel underneath.   'If you cross the tunnel, you'll be back in the gang,' he said.
"Without thinking twice, I set to making it through the tunnel, body to ground, although I was terrified that a snake or a spider would bite me at any moment, that a frog would jump on me or I would be crushed by a landslide.
"It seemed like 100 years, but finally I reached the other side and everybody congratulated me.   My title of friend of Ernesto had been reclaimed," he recalls.
Witnessing misery
Carlos Ferrer and Che Guevara travelled through Peru, Bolivia and finally Ecuador, where they went their separate ways.   Che continued to Mexico, where his first meeting with Fidel Castro took place.
Ernesto "Che" Guevara
I think he [Guevara] would be an important political leader now
Carlos Ferrer
The two friends arrived in Bolivia just when the National Revolutionary Movement was in the process of overthrowing the military regime there.
"Ernesto had already seen in his first trip [with Alberto Granada, subject of the film The Motorcycle Diaries] the harsh miseries, the lack of medicine, education and culture, the lack of attention to those countries," says Carlos Ferrer.
At the time, much of Latin America was in the grip of dictators and the second trip helped awaken the revolutionary in Guevara, he says.
"If he needed to know anything else about how people in these towns were living, this was a great way to do it.   We had the opportunity to see how the miners were treated — Bolivians and miners were treated like animals," says Carlos Ferrer.
If Guevara had not been killed in Bolivia in 1967, Mr Ferrer thinks he would have gone on to great things.
"I think he would be an important political leader now," he says.
www.greenleft.org       December 7, 2005       Federico Fuentes, La Paz
Stalemate in Bolivia — 2005
Agony Postponed?
While protests, blockades, takeovers, and marches had been temporarily suspended by Monday, June 13, demands for nationalization of hydrocarbons and a constitutional assembly had yet to be addressed, and nothing indicated that they would be through elections.
If radical-popular creativity is channeled along electoral lines, MAS may benefit at the expense of insurgent social movements, the strategic unity of which would likely remain at the level of diffuse desire without a program for self-government.
Radical democratic energies could easily get diverted into liberal democratic avenues (with the promise that under MAS leadership, liberal democracy would some day move toward radical democracy).
This would probably be temporary, since parliament has thus far proven incapable of handling nationalization or the constitutional assembly.
Parliament could become the absent center around which mass politics of the left and right turn.
The executive branch is almost certain to be even weaker than it was under Mesa.
The neoliberal right talks of carrying out its own referendum on autonomy in Santa Cruz if the central government does not, while the indigenous-driven left in the western highlands threatens to hold its own popular assembly if a more inclusive, representative assembly does not materialize in parliament.
Alternative poles of sovereignty could easily emerge, further debilitating the state's fragile power over civil society.
If the right relies on the obstructionist tactics recently employed in parliament, radical-popular forces may pressure the president to issue executive decrees.
President Rodríguez, however, has already declared his unwillingness to take action on these issues, and has no agenda other than calling elections in December.
That may not be enough to halt the dynamics of political polarization, and is more likely to prolong the agony of stalemate, especially given that Congress has agreed not to touch either the January or the October Agenda.
La Paz
< — By Forrest Hylton — http://www.counterpunch.org/hylton06142005.html
Stalemate in Bolivia — 2005
The current impasse calls to mind the UDP period, in which a center-left coalition came to power on the back of mass protest against General García Meza, the last and most criminal of Bolivia's military dictators.
The UDP began with a national-popular victory, but the coalition quickly splintered, leaving President Hernando Siles isolated and powerless in the face of rising strike activity.
On the left, strikes were led by miners, students, and indigenous peasants, and on the right, by the Santa Cruz Civic Committee and entrepreneurial associations.
With annual inflation at 24,000%, Siles was forced to call early elections and Victor Paz Estensorro, "father" of the national revolution of 1952, took over with his fraction of the splintered MNR regime.
Paz Estenssoro united elites across the country and pulled the middle class — including many of its progressives — into the fold as he repressed miners and entrusted the design of neoliberal architecture to a young, American-educated technocrat, Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada.
The parallels are sufficiently obvious so as not to require comment.
Changes are less apparent, but perhaps more striking.
When Paz Estenssoro won the presidency, he was a figure of enormous political stature, a god among mere mortals, and the MNR, in spite of its bitter internal divisions, was still a party with a formidable clientelist machine.
Elites were united rather than divided, and there was a blueprint for change that brought Bolivia more tightly into the orbit of the Washington Consensus.
Now, there is no hegemonic plan because of elite fragmentation, which cruceño elites have only fomented.
Since caudillo politics are unlikely to disappear from popular movements with indigenous and peasant roots, horizontal alliances among the movements will have to confront personalist projects if they are to capitalize on intra-elite discord.
There is now no COB (its current incarnation being a shadow of its former self) to mitigate sectoral, regional, and ethnic-class differences within the radical-popular bloc.
The formation of an Indigenous Popular Assembly would represent a hopeful development, but elections could short-circuit the kind of dedicated organizing needed to help it succeed.
Although protest politics in Bolivia are more effective and better organized — especially among the rank-and-file — than elsewhere in Latin America, it is difficult to see how they could serve as a model for social transformation in a region where 220 million people live in poverty.
Nevertheless, since Latin America currently displays stronger tendencies toward radical social change than any other region of the world, outcomes in Bolivia will give us a better sense of what gains are possible for popular insurgencies in an age of permanent planetary warfare.
Struggles in Bolivia thus reverberate beyond national and regional arenas; their significance is global.
Forrest Hylton is author of An Evil Hour: Colombia in Historical Context (from Verso), as well as co-editor of Ya es otro tiempo el presente: Cuatro momentos de insurgencia indígena, the second edition of which is forthcoming from Muela del Diablo.
The recovery of patrimony for the nation, the international articulation of the nation, and the form in which economic and political sovereignty is exercised is something that must be decided, implemented, and administered by all of us who do not live off the labor of others.

www.greenleft.org       December 7, 2005       Federico Fuentes, La Paz
Stalemate in Bolivia — 2005
Agony Postponed?
Although Morales is seen by most as “one of them”, many of the candidates running for parliamentary positions are not seen by altenos as real leaders of their community.
Many have been hand-picked by the MAS leadership, with no consultation with the community.
There is also distrust in the politicians with which Morales has surrounded himself, and a feeling that they have worked to separate Morales from his traditional base.
There is no doubt that in El Alto, the people will overwhelmingly vote for Morales, perhaps in some cases with reservations, but in many cases this will be combined with voting for opposition parties for the other positions.
Montevideo, Uruguay
There is also no doubt that these expectations will have to be fulfilled by a Morales government, something he will find hard to do solely through parliament.
...Surco, who is one of the organisers of the COR-COB-FSTMB conference, explained that the aim of the meeting was to sign a unity pact that would end the truce in mobilisations since the end of the May-June uprising.
“Beginning December and January this truce will be lifted and we intended to once again begin to mobilise in favour of the nationalisation of the hydrocarbons, no matter which government comes in, be they from the left or right.”
Between December 3-5, El Alto was also the site for the First National Congress in Defence of Water, Basic Services and Life, which FEJUVE and the Coalition in Defence of Water and Life from Cochabamba, headed by Oscar Olivera, were the main forces in organising.
Just as the people of El Alto in January forced out the French multinational Suez, which had bought out the city's water supply following the privatisation of Bolivia's water in the late 1990s, the Coalition in Defence of Water and Life led the heroic struggle in 2000 that forced the government to break its contract with the US corporation Bechtel.
Bechtel had bought out the water supply and begun charging the people of Cochabamba for rain water they collected.
Mamani, one of the spokespeople for the newly formed National Coalition in Defence of Water, Basic Services and Life, explained that “these demands [around basic services] are not restricted to the city of El Alto, they are demands that are being raised in the interior of the country, in every corner of the country, because to live we need these basic necessities … This is why we are working … with the view of organising to unite forces, because our demands are the same.”
Planning to mobilise behind these demands, no matter who wins on December 18, Mamani warned: “We are convinced that whoever wins will have to prioritise, and act on, what the population is proposing.”
With this city's recent history of booting out presidents, whoever wins the elections would be unwise to ignore the demands of the altenos.
3 August 2006
Morales seeks radical land reform
President Morales drives a tractor to a land reform ceremony in Urucena, Bolivia
President Morales drives a tractor to a land reform ceremony in Urucena, Bolivia
Unequal land distribution is at the root of Bolivia's problems, says Evo Morales
Bolivia's President Evo Morales has urged Congress to back his plan for an "agrarian revolution" to correct a "historical injustice".
Mr Morales was speaking at a ceremony in central Bolivia, where he handed out 2,300 land titles and 50 new tractors.
Mr Morales's government has handed out a substantial area of state-owned land already, but is seeking the right to expropriate unproductive private land.
However these plans have been fiercely opposed by landowners.
'Land politics'
Mr Morales made his remarks during the ceremony in Urucena, a town in the central department of Cochabamba, where in 1953 the first agrarian reform was launched in Bolivia.
The principle objective of the government was, he said, "to expropriate unproductive land, which performs no social or economic function" and give it to those without land.
"If in Bolivia we do not resolve the social and economic problems of the indigenous and peasant communities we will never be able to resolve the economic problems of the nation, and for this reason we have the obligation to change the politics of the land," he said, according to the news agency Efe.
Mr Morales, himself an Aymara Indian, referred to the "historical injustice" of the Spanish conquest of Bolivia 500 years ago.
Mr Morales arrived at the ceremony on a tractor, leading a convoy of 50 Venezuelan-made tractors which were distributed to agricultural workers.
Peasants attend a land reform ceremony in Urucena, Bolivia, on Wednesday
Peasants attend a land reform ceremony in Urucena, Bolivia, on Wednesday
The Senate has so far failed to allow private lands to be seized
He promised hundreds more tractors would be distributed to Bolivia's impoverished peasants — some of whom still use ox-driven ploughs to furrow the fields.
At the ceremony — attended by some 20,000 supporters — he also handed out some 2,300 new land titles.
The total area of land handed out on this occasion was not reported, but the government is said to have distributed 24,800 sq km (9,600 sq miles) since the agrarian reform programme started in June.
At present Mr Morales is restricted to handing out state-owned land, and so far Congress has failed to back plans to redistribute privately owned land which is unproductive, obtained illegally or used for speculation.
On Wednesday, Mr Morales suggested he might bypass Senate opposition through presidential decree or a change in the constitution.
Mr Morales has vowed to redistribute 200,000 sq km — an area double the size of Portugal — by the end of his term in 2011.
But the programme has enraged landowners, with Bolivia's main landowners' federation pledging to form "self-defence groups" to defend their land.
One landowners' group has called the plan "a nuclear bomb for Bolivian agriculture".
Evo Morales, one of the best things ever to happen to Latin America.
The revolution that Che Guevara gave his life for has come to pass; Morales has set the indigenous people free, grappled with the corporations extracting Bolivia's mineral wealth, joined the sub-continental fight for freedom and independence and paid the price of being a freedom fighter president.
RT.com/shows/sputnik/203451-5th-november-guy-fawkes/   click here
Second half, after Guy Fawkes
An Hour with Bolivian President Evo Morales: “Neoliberalism Is No Solution for Humankind” — Click Here
Discusses the election of Barack Obama, US-Bolivian relations, the global economic crisis and more.
Evo Morales is visiting the United States at a time when relations between the two countries are deteriorating.
Last month, the Bush administration suspended long-term trade benefits with Bolivia over its alleged failure to cooperate in the “war on drugs.”
Meanwhile, Morales has given the Drug Enforcement Administration three months to leave Bolivia.
He accused DEA agents of violating Bolivian sovereignty and encouraging the drug trade.
Bolivian President Evo Morales on Indigenous Rights, Climate Change, Iraq, Establishing Diplomatic Relations with Iran, Che Guevara's Legacy and More — Click Here
In a Democracy Now! special, we spend the hour with Evo Morales, the first indigenous president of Bolivia.
In a wide-ranging conversation, Morales discusses the impact of the war in Iraq on Latin America, warns against the use of biofuels to reduce carbon emissions and highlights the importance of indigenous rights.
"I am convinced that the indigenous people are the moral reserve of humanity," Morales said.
He also discusses the enduring legacy of Che Guevara, whether he will stop sending Bolivian troops to train at the School of the Americas and why he is establishing diplomatic relations with Iran.
"As far as I know," Morales said.   [Iran] "is not a country that is sending troops to kill people in other countries."
They initially asked for 300 pesos, or $20.00 USD
San Quintín Valley — You come here and sell everything because you haven’t got a cent and here is definitely worse, because you come with promises, illusions, and nothing happens.
Grassroots mobilizations and work stoppages, caravans and tours through different towns and cities in Baja California and the country to publicize their fight and make alliances.
Complicity between the State and business owners not only promotes this state of affairs, but also assumes that the economically and politically powerful can act above the law.
The money that the workers should, but do not, receive is therefore redirected to employers.
Haiti poor
verses the one percent that owns the world
A daughter arrives at her parents’ house high in the hills of Port-au-Prince, her father is home, lying in the yard, under a tree, vomiting
Also in Meille was a battalion of Nepalese UN military working for MINUSTAH, the United Nations Controlling The Poor Mission in Haiti
This same strain of cholera had broken out in Kathmandu on 23 September 2010, shortly before the UN military forces left for Haiti to control the poor and preserve the status of those who have money
In Haiti, which means the poor have nothing, the rich have everything
Haiti and the US — a classic game of the criminal blaming the victim
Aristide, through two terms in office — both of which he was deposed in the middle of — was sabotaged at every step by the U.S. CIA, USAID, the European Union, the Canadian government, the IMF, and the World Bank.
After perpetrating a reign of superpower terrorism that includes 33 coups d’etat, financing right wing paramilitarism, the terrorizing, abduction and murder of human rights activists, the hijacking of loans meant to establish sources of clean, potable water, hospitals, and clinics, dismantling the democratic election process, forbidding the existence of the largest political party in the country, Fanmi Lavalas, and fomenting the spreading of disease, starvation, mass murder and U.S. hegemony via the Monroe Doctrine, many Haitians believe that the U.S. State Department is now in firm control of the monster it has created.
     UN soldiers shoot at Haitian mourners       
     Pictures and images of Haiti     
       Haiti victim of US imperialism    
       Mexico From Protest to Rebellion      
       Yellow for clean elections — amarillo for democracy      
       Unlike John Kerry, Obrador — the mayor of Mexico City — did not disappoint      
Mother her two babies killed by US
More than Fifteen million
US dollars given by US taxpayers to Israel each day for their military use
4 billion US dollars per year
Nanci Pelosi — U.S. House Democratic leader — Congresswoman California, 8th District
Speaking at the AIPAC agenda   May 26, 2005
There are those who contend that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is all about Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.   This is absolute nonsense.
In truth, the history of the conflict is not over occupation, and never has been:  it is over the fundamental right of Israel to exist.
The greatest threat to Israel's right to exist, with the prospect of devastating violence, now comes from Iran.
For too long, leaders of both political parties in the United States have not done nearly enough to confront the Russians and the Chinese, who have supplied Iran as it has plowed ahead with its nuclear and missile technology....
In the words of Isaiah, we will make ourselves to Israel 'as hiding places from the winds and shelters from the tempests; as rivers of water in dry places; as shadows of a great rock in a weary land.'
Published on Monday, July 4, 2005 by CommonDreams.org
by Sheldon Drobny
Justice O'Connor's decision in Bush v. Gore led to the current Bush administration's execution of war crimes and atrocities in Iraq, Afghanistan, and other places in the Middle East that are as egregious as those committed by the Third Reich and other evil governments in human history.
US destroyed Fallujah as it tries to destroy the rest of Iraq
The lesson is clear.
Those people who may be honorable and distinguished in their chosen profession should always make decisions based upon good rather than evil no matter where their nominal allegiances may rest.
Justice O'Connor was quoted to have said something to the affect that she abhorred the thought of Bush losing the 2000 election to Gore.
She was known to have wanted to retire after the 2000 election for same reason she is now retiring.
She wanted to spend more time with her sick husband.
Unfortunately, she tarnished her distinguished career with the deciding vote in Bush v. Gore by going along with the partisan majority of the Court to interfere with a democratic election that she and the majority feared would be lost in an honest recount.
She dishonored herself and the Supreme Court by succumbing to party allegiances and not The Constitution to which she swore to uphold.
And the constitutional argument she and the majority used to justify their decision was the Equal Protection Clause.
The Equal Protection Clause was the ultimate basis for the decision, but the majority essentially admitted (what was obvious in any event) that it was not basing its conclusion on any general view of what equal protection requires.
The decision in Bush v Gore was not dictated by the law in any sense—either the law found through research, or the law as reflected in the kind of intuitive sense that comes from immersion in the legal culture.
The Equal Protection clause is generally used in matters concerning civil rights.
The majority ignored their basic conservative views supporting federalism and states' rights in order to justify their decision.
History will haunt these justices down for their utter lack of justice and the hypocrisy associated with this decision.
Sheldon Drobny is Co-founder of Air America Radio.

       Afghanistan — Western Terror States: Canada, US, UK, France, Germany, Italy       
       Photos of Afghanistan people being killed and injured by NATO     
From the video 'Holes in Heaven' — Brooks Agnew, Earth Tornographer
In 1983 I did radio tornography with 30 watts looking for oil in the ground.
I found 26 oil wells over a nine state area.
100 hundred percent of the time was accurate, which is just 30 watts of power beaming straight into solid rock.
HAARP uses a billion watts beamed straight into the ionosphere for experiments.
Picture these strings on the piano as layers of the Earth, each one has its own frequency.
What we used to do is beam radio waves into the ground and it would vibrate any 'strings' that were present in the ground.
We might get a sound back like ___ and we would say, that's natural gas.
We might get a sound back like ____ and we'd say that's crude oil.
We were able to identify each frequency.
We accomplished this with just 30 watts of radio power.
If you do this with a billion watts the vibrations are so violent that the entire piano would shake.
In fact the whole house would shake.
In fact the vibrations could be so severe under ground they could even cause an earthquake.
Download or watch movie on HAARP — Advanced US Military research weapon on behaviour modification
weather change, ionesphere manipulation — click here
Download or watch audio of Dr. Nick Begich talking on HAARP
— The 2006 update to 'Angels Don't Play This HAARP'.
'Angels Still Don't Play This HAARP: Advances In Tesla Technology'.
Planet Earth Weapon by Rosalie Bertell
ozone, HAARP, chemtrails, space war — click here
What HAARP Is.. And Everything Its Used For
Full HAARP Documentary — click here
Angels Dont Play This HAARP weather manipulation
1 hour 36 minutes video — click here
(poor quality to watch but well worth listening)
Dr. Nick Begich, his book and his articles can be found here
Article on Chemtrails — unusual cloud formations in the US.
U.S. Bombing of Fallujah
— the Third World War continued: Chechnya, North Ossetia, Ingushetia
More atrocities — Ahmed and Asma, story of two children dying
al-Sadr City
Iraq's real WMD crime — the effects of depleted uranium
World War Two soldiers did not kill Kill ratio Korea, Vietnam. Iraq.
Afghanistan - Terror?

Photos over past three months.
Aid agencies compromised by US actions
US soldiers committing suicide Afghanistan Iraq — Most Recent
Psychologist Pete Linnerooth was one of three who were part of a mental health crew in charge of the US 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 1st Infantry Division in the Baghdad area of Iraq.   Pete Linnerooth committed suicide by turning a gun upon himself in January of 2013
Veterans kill themselves at a rate of one every 80 minutes.   More than 6,500 veteran suicides are logged every year — more than the total number of soldiers killed in Afghanistan and Iraq combined since those wars began.
Mary Coghill Kirkland said she asked her son, 21-year-old Army Spc. Derrick Kirkland, what was wrong as soon as he came back from his first deployment to Iraq in 2008.   He had a ready answer: "Mom, I'm a murderer."
A military base on the brink
As police agents watched he shot himself in the head
Murders, fights, robberies, domestic violence, drunk driving, drug overdoses
US soldiers committing suicide Afghanistan Iraq II
U.S. Soldier Killed Herself After Objecting to Interrogation Techniques
Private Gary Boswell, 20, from Milford Haven, Pembrokeshire, was found hanging in a playground in July
She is Jeanne "Linda" Michel, a Navy medic.   She came home last month to her husband and three kids ages 11, 5, and 4, delighted to be back in her suburban home of Clifton Park in upstate New York.   Two weeks after she got home, she shot and killed herself.
Peterson refused to participate in the torture after only two nights working in the unit known as the cage
     United States Numb to Iraq Troop Deaths       
     All papers relating to the interrogations have been destroyed     
      We stripped them and were supposed to mock them and degrade their manhood     
US soldiers committing suicide Iraq Vietnam
The Iraq War - complete listing of articles, includes images
The House of Saud and Bush
       All with U.S. Money:       
       US and Israel War Crimes       
All with U.S. Money:

Israel agents stole identity of New Zealand cerebral palsy victim.

(IsraelNN.com July 15, 2004) The Foreign Ministry will take steps towards restoring relations with New Zealand. New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark today announced she was implementing diplomatic sanctions after two Israelis were sentenced on charges of attempting to obtain illegal passports. Despite Israeli refusal to respond to the accusations, the two are labeled in the New Zealand media as Mossad agents acting on behalf of the Israeli intelligence community.

Foreign Ministry officials stated they will do everything possible to renew diplomatic ties, expressing sorrow over the "unfortunate incident".
Projected mortality rate of Sudan refugee starvation deaths — Darfur pictures
Suicide now top killer of Israeli soldiers
Atrocities files - graphic images
'Suicide bombings,' the angel said, 'and beheadings.'

'And the others that have all the power - they fly missiles in the sky.

They don't even look at the people they kill.'
       The real Ronald Reagan       
       — Nicaragua, Guatemala, El Salvador, South Africa        
Follow the torture trail...
       Cowardly attacks by air killing men women and children in their homes, often never seeing those they kill as the drones or aircraft fly back to the cowardly bases       
       If they kill only the husband, see how they care for the family they have destroyed       
       Afghanistan — Western Terror States: Canada, US, UK, France, Germany, Italy       
       Photos of Afghanistan people being killed and injured by NATO     
        When you talk with God        
         were you also spending your time, money and energy, killing people?         
       Are they now alive or dead?       
Photos July 2004
US Debt
Photos June 2004
Lest we forget - Ahmed and Asma, story of two children dying
Photos May 2004
American military: Abu Gharib (Ghraib) prison photos, humiliation and torture
- London Daily Mirror article: non-sexually explicit pictures
Photos April 2004
The celebration of Jerusalem day, the US missiles that rained onto children in Gaza,
and, a gathering of top articles over the past nine months
Photos March 2004
The Iraq War - complete listing of articles, includes images
Photos February 2004
US missiles - US money - and Palestine
Photos January 2004
Ethnic cleansing in the Beduin desert
Photos December 2003
Shirin Ebadi Nobel Peace Prize winner 2003
Photos November 2003
Atrocities - graphic images...
Photos October 2003
Photos September 2003
 The WE News Archiveskewe archives      kewe archiveskewe archive calendarTheWE.cc