For archive purposes, this article is being stored on website.
The purpose is to advance understandings of environmental, political,
human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues.

Nelson Mandela and Michael Tellinger of the

Ubuntu is a Nguni Bantu term that means humanness translating to human kindness.

Nelson Mandela and Michael Tellinger founder of the
Ubuntu is a Nguni Bantu term that means humanness translating to human kindness.
Since the transition to democracy in South Africa with the Nelson Mandela presidency in 1994, the term has become more widely known outside of Southern Africa, popularized to the English language readers by Desmond Tutu
In the 1950s writings of Jordan Kush Ngubane published in the African Drum magazine the concept is that of a world view.
A Zulu-speaking person when telling you to speak in Zulu would say “khuluma isintu” which means 'speak the language of people.'
A Sotho-speaking person will say “ke motho” which means 'he/she is a human'
In UBUNTU my humanity is bestowed upon the other and me, a quality we owe to each other; we create each other and need to sustain this otherness creation.
Nelson Mandela explaining Ubuntu.

Ubuntu is a Nguni Bantu term that means humanness translating to human kindness.

Nelson Mandela explaining Ubuntu
“From its earliest days, the Cuban Revolution has also been a source of inspiration to all freedom-loving people.
We admire the sacrifices of the Cuban people in maintaining their independence and sovereignty in the face of the vicious imperialist-orchestrated campaign to destroy the impressive gain made in the Cuban Revolution….
Long live the Cuban Revolution.
Long live comrade Fidel Castro.”
Nelson Mandela 1991
Nelson Mandela US unspeakable atrocities speech - February 28, 2003

If there is a country that has committed unspeakable atrocities in the world, it is the United States of America - They don't care for human beings.

February 28, 2003 — International Women’s Forum Johannesburg
Iraq War Images — March April 2003
And those that sailed furthest set but a girdle about the Earth and returned weary at last to the place of their beginning; and they said: ‘All roads are now bent’
Death is their fate, the gift of Ilúvatar, which as Time wears even the Powers shall envy
For Melkor has cast his shadow upon it, and confounded it with darkness, and brought forth evil out of good, and fear out of hope
Shock and Awe gallery
Saturday April 05 2003
Wednesday April 09 2003
Iraq devastated cities towns villages — 2013
7386 died in bombings in Iraq 2013 — Sadr City, Basra, Fallujah, Ramadi, Baghdad, Mosul, Kirkuk, Najaf...
The invasion is not just some kind of mistake, the invasion and US UK occupation is a serious crime
Pools of blood shoes flesh cover the ground
US employe classic divide and rule strategy
An Iraq boy cries after car bomb explodes blood over his body
     October 5, 2013 — 73 people killed in Iraq including 2 journalists      
      Iraq 2013 a year of carnage       
      US UK created Iraq      
      Tal Afar mayor Abdel-Aal al-Obeidi says the twin blasts hit the nearby Shia village of Qabak Sunday morning     
Nelson Mandela says we know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.

International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, December 4. 1997

International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, December 4. 1997
Atrocities Lebanon and Palestine
Hijacking of Mandela's legacy
Beware of strangers bearing gifts
The same applied to a then-Republican Congressman from Wyoming who later would turn into a Darth Vader replicant, Dick Cheney.
As for Israel, it even offered one of its nuclear weapons to the Afrikaners in Pretoria — presumably to wipe assorted African commies off the map.
Nelson Mandela

Nelson Mandela legacy hijacked - A Tower of Babel of tributes piled layer upon layer of hypocrisy — from the US to Israel and from France to Britain.

Photo: Reuters
South Africa

Marikana: 'My husband died in vain'
15 August 2013
By Pumza Fihlani
BBC News, Marikana
South Africa Nonkululeko Ngxanade on left and Zameka Nungu on right widows of the miners who were killed by the South African police.

The widows want the police and officials responsible for killing their husbands to be arrested and punished.
Nonkululeko Ngxanade
Zameka Nungu on right
The widows want police and officials
responsible for killing their husbands
to be arrested and punished
It is a year since South African police shot dead 34 striking miners at the Marikana mine, shocking the nation and the world.
The BBC's Pumza Fihlani looks at how the killing has changed the country.
It is a chilly winter's day and widows Nonkululeko Ngxande, 32 and Zameka Nungu, 40 have returned to the place where their husbands breathed their last and they are shocked by what they see.
The white wooden crosses that had been placed in the ground in remembrance of the dead miners are now lying in a pile at the bottom of the rocky hill — some have even broken.
Says Ms Nungu, tears rushing down her face:
"Our husbands were killed like dogs.
We are widows today because of the police and yet no-one has been arrested for their deaths.
No-one cares about the men who died here because they were nobodies."
The widows believe the desecrated crosses are telling — a reflection of how little the deaths of their beloved husbands have meant to those blamed for them — mine owner Lonmin, the police and the government.
It has been a year since Ms Ngxande's husband died but the pain of losing him is still etched on her face.
Her voice shakes when she speaks about him:
"I have no-one to support me.
My husband worked hard to take care of me and our two children.
We had dreams and they all died the day he was killed."
Her husband Mpumezi Ngxande was 36 when he died.
He was a rock-drill operator from Ngqeleni an impoverished village in the far-off Eastern Cape.
He had struggled for years to find work and the family had seen his job as a chance for a better future, his wife tells me.
But in August 2012, he and other miners embarked on an unofficial strike to demand 12,500 rand ($1,260; £811) a month, claiming that many of them were paid as little as 3,800 rand despite years of hard work, often under dangerous conditions.
The week before what is now referred to as the 'Marikana massacre', 10 people were killed in violent clashes, including two police officers and two security guards who were hacked to death, allegedly by miners.
On 16 August, police opened fire on a crowd of strikers, later saying they had been 'overwhelmed'.
When the dust had settled minutes later, 34 dead bodies lay on the ground and 78 were wounded.
The dead miners were from the Eastern Cape and Western Cape provinces, Lesotho and Swaziland.
Unrelenting poverty
Ikaneng township, Marikana in the North West province.

South Africa is said to be one of the world's most unequal societies and the gap continues to widen.
Ikaneng township, Marikana in the North West province.
South Africa is said to be one of the world's most unequal societies and the gap continues to widen
The Institute of Security Studies says the shooting in Marikana brought into sharp focus the inadequate training of many South African police officers.
The institute's Gwen Newham told the BBC:
"We know from an internal report released last year that something in region of 27,000 police officials are not trained properly.
So this complete denial of problems [by the police commissioner] — this is very dangerous as it means these problems are not being fixed,"
Ms Nungu says her husband Jackson Lehopa, affectionately known as 'Ace', was a father of six, a family man.
Ms Nungu says the police should have handled the matter differently.
She cries:
"My husband was shot nine times.
He had five wounds on his back, his leg was full of bullet holes.
What would make someone do this to another human being."
Things are much harder now than before the strike
Both women are unemployed and say they depend on government child grants and help from family members to feed their families.
But what has changed in Marikana?
The short answer is nothing, according to the miners who work here.
Says Bongani, a rock-drill operator who has been working at the mine for nine years.
"Nothing has changed here, in fact things have gotten worse.
We are fearful to even miss work for a day let alone strike because we might be suspended.
Things are much harder now than they were before the strike."
South Africa is currently the world's largest platinum producer and a majority of the country's reserves are found in this area.
Many of the men and women who bring the world's priciest mineral to the surface of the Lonmin mine live in Ikaneng, a township of shacks and a handful of newly built brick houses.
The dusty, narrow streets are riddled with potholes, scrawny dogs fight over the mounds of rubbish on street corners and burst sewerage pipes and overflowing drains add to the grim picture here.
World's most unequal societies
South Africa is said to be one of the world's most unequal societies and the gap between the haves and the have-nots is getting wider.
The millions of black South Africans who voted into power the African National Congress (ANC) to end white minority rule hoped this would dramatically improve their living standards.
The miners here are no different.
The country's mining industry is more than 100 years old but some say little has changed since gold was first mined from the Witwatersrand Main Reef — later to become Johannesburg — in 1885.
Black migrant men would spend hours underground in small congested and unventilated spaces, while a white foreman bellowed out orders.
Peter Alexander, author of Marikana: a View from the Mountain and a Case to Answer, says there is often 'racist pressure in the mines'.
"When they [white supervisors] come along and they point their fingers and tell the [black] workers what to do, there is still recognition that things have not changed much since the end of apartheid."
Mr Alexander, a professor of sociology at the University of Johannesburg, says Marikana was a turning point in South African's history, although it is yet to lead to a change in government policy.
ANC supporting oppression of ordinary workers
Says Mr Alexander:
"It changed the mood in the country.
It's making an impact in terms of the way in which people look at the ANC, a shift where they no longer see it as the party that led the struggle for liberation but now as a party that is involved in supporting the oppression of ordinary workers."
At the time of the killings, Cyril Rhamposa, who is now ANC deputy president, was on the Lonmin board.
The miners are weary of speaking to the media but tell me that there are tensions in this small community — at the heart of which is an rivalry between the National Mineworkers Union (NUM), which is allied to the ANC, and the newly formed Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu).
Over the past year, at least 12 people have been killed around Marikana — eight of them prominent union members.
Both unions are now calling for an end to the violence.
Says a rock-drill operator, who only identified himself as Mzi:
"There is a lot of fear and suspicion in this community.
You just don't know who is going to be next."
Union leaders have been at pains to remind people that the protests on 16 August were about being paid a living wage and better living conditions — but they agree that their rivalry has often overshadowed this.
Not benefiting from wealth of mines
Says AMCU leader Joseph Mathunjwa:
"The workers in South Africa are still subjected to poverty, the wealth that they are mining they are not benefiting from it.
It's time for investors to look at their dividends, how can they share back and plough back to the workers,"
Last year's strike ended with a wage offer of 22% and a one-off bonus of 2,000 rand but workers this week told me that not all the miners had received the increase.
Said a miner who did not wish to be named.
"I still earn 7,000 rand before deductions.
This is the same amount I had been getting before we went on strike.
I don't know who got an increase but I didn't and I know many of my colleagues who also didn't get the promised raise."
Lonmin says it is working on improving the lives of its employees.
Crosses of miners killed in Marikana, North West province, South Africa.

The government has been criticised for not doing enough for the miners and their families since the shooting.
Crosses of miners killed in Marikana
The events leading up to the killings on 16 August are being investigated by a commission of inquiry headed by Judge Ian Farlam set up by President Jacob Zuma to shed some light on who is to blame for the deaths, amongst other things — but a year later there are still no clear answers.
President Zuma's government has been criticised for not doing enough for the miners and their families since the killings — a sentiment Ms Nungu shares.
Zuma's home in Nkandla is size of a town
She says:
"Zuma's home in Nkandla is the size of a town and we his people are living in old small shacks.
This government doesn't care about us and yet we were widowed by its officers."
The government has been working on a deal that would require companies to improve the conditions of miners, bring stability to the mining industry and also allay investor fears.
But companies say with rising costs of production around the world and shrinking profit margins, they cannot afford to give workers drastic wage increases.
The unions have also not signed up to the deal and critics say it will be yet another piece of paper that will do nothing to address inequality.
Says Ntsako Mashimye.
"We have worked for years on this mine and yet we are still suffering.
The strike ended but we didn't get what we wanted. Our colleagues died for nothing."
Mining South Africa's riches
Directly exports of minerals and metals account for 60% of all export revenue
Mining contributes close to 10% of South Africa's GDP
513,211 jobs in 2011
South Africa is world's biggest platinum producers, with 80% of the world's reserves
It has 50% of known global gold reserves
Source: South African Chamber of Mines (2012)
Marikana mine massacre casts long shadow
The Marikana fallout: Winners and losers
Audio slideshow: David Goldblatt on gold mines
Do unions have a future in South Africa?
Viewpoint: Marikana highlights Zuma's failure to lead
South Africa profile 21 MAY 2013
Subtitles added by
BBC © 2013
August 16 2012
South African mine worked killed for daring to strike.

Lonmin an example of exploitation

“We’d rather die than get back to work or move from this mountain.”

And so the police and the South African government killed them!

Image: Internet
Killed for daring to strike!
“We’d rather die than get back to work or move from this mountain.”
And so they killed them!
South African mine worked killed for daring to strike.

Lonmin an example of exploitation

“We’d rather die than get back to work or move from this mountain.”

And so the police and the South African government killed them!

Image: Internet
Hail to the Thief exibition at the Goodman by Brett Murray

Freedom Charter of South Africa.

There shall not be work and security.

The wealth of the country shall not be shared by all.

Image: Brett Murray
ANC sues to remove painting at Goodman by Brett Murray
The artist exploits the apparatchik’s tool of mass manipulation, swindle and hoax to pull the wool away from, rather than over, our eyes, filling the space with sarcastic triumphalist monuments to ANC nation building and transformation whilst pointing up the party’s ideological mendacity and emphasizing the hollowness of its supposed achievements.
Corruption is one implicit theme of Brett’s many coats of arms which rely on front/back divisions to hint at the transgressions that take place behind the glittering façade.
“Hail to the Thief” almost asphyxiates one with the sour reek of curdled dreams and broken promises.
The show targets government’s wholehearted commitment to embezzlement and bling, emphasizes its failure to achieve its objectives, and questions the future of democracy in what is becoming a monolithic one party state poised to entrench itself behind an impregnable wall of censorship.
They will claim that the artist travesties Mahlangu — a hero who laid down his life for the freedom of his people.
This is simplistic and Brett’s strategy is wholly licit.
The ANC appropriated the struggle, and exploited it as part of its legitimizing mythology.
As the party has ceased to honor the struggle ideals of equality and social justice, it and its propaganda are now fair game.
Brett doctors the posters to underline how the ANC betrayed both its principles and those of the heroes who died for them.
Brett is playing a dangerous game to defend our civil liberties and one can only applaud the artist’s courage and shout ‘Viva Brett!” and ‘Bravo, Bravo, Bravo!’

Slide cursor underneath or side of photos
Young, rich, black... and driving an African boom
South Africa's upwardly mobile professionals are flaunting their new wealth. But while they thrive in a resurgent country, impoverished millions are still struggling to survive in the townships
Rory Carroll in Johannersburg
Sunday February 5, 2006
The Observer
They drive sleek cars, dress to kill and spend like there's no tomorrow.
Twelve years after the demise of apartheid, the children of South Africa's revolution have found a way to celebrate freedom: shopping.
In ways unimaginable to their grandparents, a generation of black upwardly mobile professionals, dubbed 'buppies', is splashing out in a display of power and wealth that is driving a consumer boom.
From Cape Town to Johannesburg, retailers report record sales in property, fashion, jewellery and luxury vehicles, a giddy exuberance amid the economy's sixth successive year of growth.
More success, more money, more everything
Business confidence is at its highest in more than two decades, the rand has surged, consumers are borrowing at historically low interest rates and growth this year may exceed 6 per cent.
It is a world away from the images of starving Africans that routinely fill western television screens.
If South Africa's new middle class is hungry it is for more success, more money, more everything.
Beneficiaries of improved education, they are forming their own businesses and snapping up jobs in state and private sectors that are encouraged to hire from 'previously disadvantaged' groups.
'When I bought my last BMW it was a 318ti model and I was 23,' said KB Motsilanyane, a musician and businesswoman who is also South Africa's Face of Charlie, one of Revlon's line of cosmetics.
'But now I am 25 and my car must grow with me.'
Last week Ms Motsilanyane upgraded to a £30,000 black 320d BMW.
'It says that I am independent, a coming businesswoman, very ambitious, very determined.'
She bought the car at Joburg City Auto, the city's first wholly black-owned BMW dealership and a mecca for those who grew up in townships which said BMW stood for Black Man's Wish.
'Ninety-nine per cent of our clients are black,' said salesman Kennedy Mbiko.
'There is a huge amount of pride and aspiration among the guys coming here.   Brand personality has taken hold and people want to be seen driving these cars.'
Up 26 per cent from 2004
Thanks to a leap in black demand, more than 565,000 cars were sold last year, up 26 per cent from 2004, according to the National Automobile Association of South Africa.
President Thabo Mbeki caught the mood in his annual state of the nation address on Friday, declaring that South Africa had 'entered its age of hope'.
A survey published last week, based on interviews with 3,500 people, found that two-thirds of the population was upbeat, with 70 per cent of blacks saying the country was going in the right direction, followed by 50 per cent of coloureds (those of mixed race), 45 per cent of whites and 43 per cent of Indians.
South Africa's successful bid to the host the 2010 football World Cup unleashed euphoria and a sense that this was indeed a serious country.   Companies routinely declare themselves to be 'proudly South African'.
It is a remarkable turnaround.
When Nelson Mandela was inaugurated President in 1994, South Africa was insolvent and teetering on the brink of civil war.
If young blacks appeared on television they were usually chanting and wielding weapons.
Zulu and Xhosa-speaking soap operas
Now screens are filled with Zulu and Xhosa-speaking soap operas, talent contests and adverts for luxury commodities.
Readers of the consumer magazine What, Where & When in the Zulu Kingdom are directed to art galleries, grand prix rallies and jewellery shops.
Headlines from the most recent issue of Good Taste, an in-flight magazine with Nationwide Airlines, include: 'How to be a sushi master', 'Best wine tales', 'Your January brandy selection'.
Black customers are spending noticeably more on grooming and accessories, said Annette Longwani, 33, a hairdresser.
'You see the jewellery getting heavier.'
Ethel Molale, 40, a businesswoman lunching on lamb shank at Moyo, a trendy restaurant at Johannesburg's Zoo Lake, was only half in jest when asked about conspicuous consumption.
The mall: It's a religious experience
'The mall is where we pay our tithes and make our offerings.   It's a religious experience.   When we go inside we say don't disturb me, I'm meditating, just give me a credit card.'
But many — far too many, everyone agrees — pray for real because they have no job, no decent home, no electricity, no clean water and little or no hope.
They are the poorest of the poor, an army of millions struggling to survive in dusty townships and villages.
In the past decade the government has built 1.8 million low-cost houses and provided basic services to millions who were neglected under apartheid.  
But the ranks of the poorest have continued to swell and unemployment has stubbornly stayed at 38 per cent, trapping an underclass in what is referred to as the 'second economy', a ghost in official statistics, based on subsistence agriculture, hawking, begging and crime.
Apartheid's architects and urban planners concealed the poor
By restricting building permits and the movement of people, apartheid's architects and urban planners concealed the poor.
You could drive the Garden Route and barely notice the misery that was tucked into valleys beyond the well-paved motorway.
No longer.
Thousands of pitiful tin and wooden shacks have sprouted like weeds, sometimes into the heart of plush suburbs, a juxtaposition of inequality as brutal as anything in Brazil or India.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu's warning that poverty was a 'powder keg' seemed borne out in the past 12 months when riots flared across the country in protest at lack of basic services.
In scenes reminiscent of the apartheid era, township dwellers fought pitched battles with police and demanded that the African National Congress do better.
A plan?   Twelve years in power
In an effort to defuse the rage, the rattled ruling party has purged most of its councillors in the run-up to next month's municipal elections and in its manifesto promised a 'plan to make local government work better'.
That prompted scorn from Tony Leon, leader of the opposition Democratic Alliance.   'A plan?   Twelve years in power, and all you can offer us is a plan.'
In Friday's address to parliament — which glossed over the HIV/Aids pandemic — President Mbeki said the government, in partnership with the private sector, would invest £34bn in public infrastructure projects and creating jobs over the next three years .
In an email interview with The Observer on the eve of the state of the nation speech, Tutu said that not enough had been done to tackle poverty.  
'Everybody should be concerned.   Our stability depends on the reasonable needs of most citizens being met or we have [had] it.'
Crucial that needs of poor be met
The Nobel laureate said that almost everyone had been amazed at the extraordinary resilience of the impoverished.
'Their patience is heroic.   President Mbeki has himself said it is quite crucial that their needs be met and has made service delivery a key issue for these elections.'
For buppies, the question is whether their spending spree can continue.
The Congress of South African Trade Unions has blamed the consumer boom for distorting the economy and pricing the poor out of the property market.  
Some others complain that it is immoral, or at least bad taste, to flaunt wealth.
'Black people are more careless than whites with their spending.   They don't know how to do it well,' said Regina Kazhila, 41, a black boutique owner at Johannesburg's Rosebank mall.
Specifying that her own clients were discerning and mature, Ms Kazhila said many young, affluent blacks were obsessed with brand names and oneupmanship.
'They are very competitive with each other.   Advertisers have noticed.   That's why they're targeting them.'
Thapelo Moloi, 29, a pastor, said it was understandable that blacks, having been oppressed for so long, would want to enjoy and exhibit their success.
'But there is a lack of wisdom in the way some are spending their money.'
Credit cards
Banks are reluctant to disclose figures but there is anecdotal evidence that many buppies are living beyond their means, racking up debts and failing to pay off credit cards.
'Lately I can't even bring myself to open the credit card bills,' said one executive, who declined to be named.
But Loyiso 'Chippa' Mangena, 23, a TV actor and businessman, said being flash could also be a form of investment.
'Money is power.   When you walk into a room to make a business proposal for 150m rand you must look like you can handle 150m rand.   People can judge you on what car you drive before you even open your mouth.'   Hence Mr Mangena's pilgrimage to Joburg City Auto to trade in his BMW M3 series for a Z Coupe.   'I'm going to be one of the first people in the country to get it.'
He made no apology for his plan to buy a yacht.   'The world is an unfair place.   It would be great if we could redistribute all resources but we can't.
'I want to inspire young black people that it is possible to leave the township and be anything in the world that they want to be.'
The new South Africa
  • There are more than four million cars on the roads, 11 million radios, eight million televisions and about 17 million mobile phones.
  • The population is 44.3 million.   Just over 75 per cent of the people are black; around 13.5 per cent white; 13.5 per cent mixed race and 2.6 per cent Indian.
  • Nearly half of South African homes have telephones.
  • Less than 10 percent of people are internet users.
  • Most homes have electricity (71 per cent, according to official 2001 figures) and the government has pledged to wire up every household by 2012.
  • 'Adequate' sanitation has been extended to almost all urban areas (86 per cent, according to the latestofficial figures in 2002), but to less than half of rural homes.
  • The average life expectancy is 49 for men and 48 for women.
  • One in 10 of South Africans over the age of two is HIV-positive, according to the World Health Organisation.
  • Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2006
    Going out with South Africa's flashy young 'boasters'
    By Hamilton Wende
    2 February 2013
    The children of many of South Africa's black middle-class families have no memory of the discrimination and poverty their parents endured under apartheid, and some have taken to roaming the townships in expensive clothes bought at their parents' expense.
    Group of Soweto township Izikhotane kids.

Picture by Hamilton Wende
    Money gleaming.
    Crisp, new banknotes being counted in the sunlight on a Soweto street.
    Two young teenagers wearing designer jeans, shimmering silk shirts, bright pink and blue shoes and white-straw, narrow-brimmed fedoras are passing a large wad of cash from one to the other.
    "There's not enough," one says.
    "We'll get more," his friend replies.
    They wander across the road to join a group of their friends who are all dressed in the same patchwork of colour and glitz.
    An animated discussion breaks out and somehow — almost like the miracle of the loaves and the fishes — more and more money emerges from backpacks, handbags and the tight pockets of designer jeans.
    Now, it seems, they have enough.
    The group, ranging in age from 12 to 15 at the oldest, wander over to a parked minibus-taxi.
    Italian leather shoes displayed on dashboard of minibus worn by South Africa Soweto township Izikhotane kids.

Picture by Hamilton Wende
    Sipho, dressed in sky-blue, patent-leather shoes and a white fedora, negotiates with the driver.
    He counts out nearly 7,000 rand (£490/$780) in cash and 10 young people climb inside.
    They have rented the minibus for the afternoon and evening.
    Later when I chat to Sipho, I discover that he is only 13 and is the ringleader of the group.
    As the minibus draws into the Saturday afternoon traffic, the boys take off a shoe each, lining the dashboard with a colourful array of expensive, Italian-leather shoes.
    There are only a few shops that stock these shoes and the silk shirts that the children buy.
    The shoes cost 3,000 rand (£215/ $330) a pair and the shirts 2,000 rand (£140/$225).
    Adults in the cars around us look away as the minibus slowly navigates the traffic.
    They force their parents to tap into their savings or to go without essentials so that they can buy and destroy these luxuries”
    In township slang, these children are known as izikhotane (the boasters).
    In recent years, they have become a huge social phenomenon as they gather in their hundreds - even thousands - at parks dressed in their expensive outfits.
    At these gatherings, loud music blares while the children dance and often ruin - or even destroy - their clothes and shoes, stripping them off and pouring custard on them and rubbing them into the ground to show off and pretend to be rich.
    There is a growing outcry from many adults about this behaviour, but the popularity of the izikhotanes among young township teens is high.
    They even have a Facebook page with pictures of kids covered in money or destroying an expensive smartphone by holding it under a running tap.
    They force their parents to tap into their savings or to go without essentials so that they can buy and destroy these luxuries.
    But today Sipho and his friends are more intent on real life than on updating their cyber profiles.
    Italian leather shoes displayed on dashboard of minibus worn by South Africa Soweto township Izikhotane kids.

Group of Soweto township Izikhotane kids.

Picture by Hamilton Wende
    The first stop is a nearby bottle store but there isn't enough stock of the sweet liqueur the children like so they pile back into the minibus and the traffic.
    After a 15-minute drive, they arrive at a shopping mall with a larger bottle store.
    The kids mill about in the parking lot, shouting, laughing and showing off their lurid outfits.
    Many of the shirts still have the price tags attached, which the kids eagerly shove in each other's faces to compare costs, while crates of beer and liqueur are wheeled out of the store by the attendants.
    Adults stare agog at what is happening
    One man stops to talk to me.
    He explains that, as a teenager, he grew up fighting apartheid in the streets.
    He was one of the students in the bloody protests in 1976 that have become a part of history known as the Soweto uprisings.
    Protestors in Soweto in 1976 South Africa

Picture Getty
    Protestors in Soweto in 1976 South Africa
    He shakes his head as he watches one of the kids unscrew a bottle of liqueur and start gulping it down.
    "This isn't what we struggled for," he says and turns to open the door of his small, battered, hatchback car.
    He is still staring through the window at the kids as he drives away.
    The minibus is soon on the road again.
    Now Sipho has turned up the music and kids are drinking beers and liqueur and making the bus rock on its chassis when they move their bodies to the music as they cruise down the highway.
    The driver says nothing but hunkers down over his steering wheel.
    A few miles later, he is stopped at a police roadblock.
    There are a number of empty bottles on the floor of the bus and many of the underage children are already drunk but the police simply wave them on.
    Finally we arrive at a park heaving with drunken teenagers and cars trying to make their way through the pandemonium.
    Amidst the noise and confusion, one of the children tries to explain what this all means, how it says something about adolescent identity and pride.
    "You must dress like this," he says.   "Even if you live in a shack."
    BBC © 2013
    South Africa 1994 and 2004 election lookback
    And we did it!
    On 26 April 1994 millions of black South Africans turned out to vote in the country's first multiracial elections
    Former South African President Nelson Mandela greets his predecessor former President FW de Klerk as he gives an honorary speech to the country's Parliament in Cape Town, May 10, 2004.
    “It was my policy that there should come an end to National Party rule and that we should have on a power sharing basis a government of national unity”
         Frederik Willem de Klerk was born in Johannesburg on March 18, 1936       
         Interview with Archbishop Desmond Tutu at the time of the 1994 election     
           Men who have become Giants    
    Walter and Albertina Sisulu
    South Africa love story
    The story is of imprisonment persecution exile and suffering but also a story of love and triumph
    In 1905 the General Pass Regulations Bill denied blacks the vote altogether, limited them to fixed areas and inaugurated the infamous Pass System
    And even if we are jailed again it is not going to scare our people.  We are used to it
    Nkuli is doing very well at school... Her daily song is that next year when she is in Standard 1 she will write a letter to Daddy and tell him to come back home because we are longing for him
           Darling Walter... longing for you      
           I got my freedom the day I got married really      
         Standing on the stoep they raised their fists and shouted 'Amandla!'      
         Mama the police are surrounding the house      
    Mopane worms and Mealies
    kewe archives  kewe archivesKewe ArchivesThe GardenThe