For archives, these articles are being stored on TheWE.cc website.
The purpose is to advance understandings of environmental, political,
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What's going on in the USA?
  By Jude Wanniski
Sunday 03 October 2004
With only weeks before the 2 November elections in the United States, it is clear to informed Americans that if the rest of the world could vote for president, Senator John Kerry would win in a landslide.
The reason of course is the war in Iraq.  A survey of 35,000 people in 35 countries this month showed Kerry winning 46% and President George Bush winning only 20%.  Even though Kerry is unknown, in many European countries Bush gets the support of fewer than 15% of those with an opinion: Germany 10%, France 5%, Norway 7%, Spain 7%, Italy 14%.
In Britain, where Prime Minister Tony Blair is Bush's closest ally in the war on terror, Kerry beat the incumbent 47% to 16%.
In a broader sense, the global electorate is not so much expressing an opinion about Iraq, but of the US's "management" of the world.  It is in that sense that the world is taking a greater interest in this election than it has in our lifetimes.  This is because everyone in the world now lives in a unipolar world.

The world was too easy on Adolf Hitler in the early stages of his rise to power.  Do not make the same mistake...
DB, USA
After all, the end of the Cold war in 1991 marked not only the end of the Soviet experiment in communism, but also the dawn of a unique epoch in the history of civilization.
For the first time since all humankind lived in the Garden of Eden, there was now only one nation that clearly sat atop the global pyramid of power.
To answer the question: "What's going on in the USA?"; we can put it simply: The people of the United States are trying to figure out how to use its power through the same kind of trial and error process that brought it to the top of the global pyramid.
It is now being forced to concede that it made a serious mistake in the way it dealt with Iraq.
How shall we go about determining the limitations on our powers and the extent of our responsibilities?
The questions are different than any Americans have ever encountered, requiring that our people think about the world differently than we ever have before.
There is no historic guidebook to help us at this frontier of boundless opportunity.
All the rules have been written for a world of adversarial divisions
All the rules have been written for a world of adversarial divisions.  This means we must think through with extraordinary care the steps we take and the paths we choose.  Major missteps can only mean we will lose this preeminence and find new power pyramids forming to challenge our leadership.
If we think of the United States as the "father" of the entire family of nations, what it did under Mr Bush 18 months ago was ignore the United Nations, the world's only legal framework for the adjudication of "family problems".
Given the fact that Saddam Hussein did everything asked of him by the Security Council in permitting inspections for weapons of mass destruction, the president's decision to go to war seemed terribly unjust not only to most of the world, but also to many Americans who believed the UN diplomacy was working as it was designed to work.
It is as if a father decided to severely beat one son for a perceived misbehaviour even though his wife and other children insisted the son had done no wrong.
Whether Americans like it or not, the United States by this behaviour is viewed as a threat to the world, not a leader working to make the world a better, safer, more prosperous place.
We now have UN General Secretary Kofi Annan so exasperated with the continued moves of the US in Iraq, and in other world trouble spots, that he is willing to label the Iraq invasion an "illegal" act.  Perhaps Iraq is better off without Saddam Hussein, but if the war was unnecessary, as many as 100,000 people — military and civilian on all sides — have paid for the mistake with their lives.  They are not better off
It is now being forced to concede that it made a serious mistake in the way it dealt with Iraq
The reason I have been asked to write in this space is that I have made the argument in the American media for several years that it is the responsibility of our leaders to pay special attention to the opinions of the Islamic world.
I say this as a Roman Catholic who has been a lifelong supporter of the state of Israel.  The reason is that the United States is a Judeo-Christian nation in a world that contains more than 1.2 billion Muslims.
A citizen of any other nation in the world who has a problem with the United States can have it addressed as long as he or she is a Protestant, Catholic or Jew.  This is because there are Protestants, Catholics and Jews in every branch of the US government, at the highest levels of the executive branch, the Congress and the Supreme Court.
But there are no Muslims who participate in this policy-making apparatus.  This is a primary source of disequilibrium in the world political economy.
It was because I recognised this problem a dozen years ago that I made efforts to contact American Muslims, including Minister Louis Farrakhan, the leader of the Nation of Islam.
If we think of the United States as the father of the entire family of nations, what it did under Mr Bush 18 months ago was ignore the United Nations, the world's only legal framework for the adjudication of family problems
He is the American Muslim most visible to the almost 300 million Americans.  Minister Farrakhan and I have become good friends, having spent countless hours with each other in conversation since our first meeting in December 1996.  We have both benefited from the experience, I believe, and I have at least introduced him to several of my friends on Wall Street who are Jewish and who share my desire to bridge this political gap between the Judeo-Christian world and Islam.
Indeed, on his world travels in recent years, Minister Farrakhan has made the same point I make in this essay that the people of the United States should not be judged harshly because they are trying as best they can to figure out their responsibilities in this new unipolar world and are bound to make mistakes along the way.
Jude Wanniski founded Polyconomics Inc in New Jersey in 1978 to advise individual and institutional investors on the impact political decisions have on financial markets.  Previously, he was associate editor of the Wall Street Journal's editorial page.
          Aljazeera - Features
          
Weapons of Mass Deception
Monday 25 April 2005
By Christian Hendersonn
 
Schechter analysed the US mainstream media for his film
In the prelude to the war, the Bush administration hinted at the existence of a link between Iraq and the attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon.
However, intelligence investigations commissioned by the White House and Congress have since determined the suggested links were false.
According to Danny Schechter, a media veteran of almost 40 years who nicknamed himself the News Dissector, the 70% figure suggests US media failed their public and led them to believe a baseless claim.
As the invasion played out on television screens around the world, Schechter "self-embedded" in his living room and examined US media coverage of the war.
He turned his conclusions into Weapons of Mass Deception www.wmdthefilm.com, a documentary film that examines how the media covered the war.
In the post-September 11 nationalistic ardour, the film concludes the US mainstream media failed to challenge Washington over its reasons for going to war, shut out anti-war voices and blurred the lines between commentary and journalism.
Aljazeera.net spoke to Schechter on the sidelines of last week's Aljazeera Television Productions Festival in the Qatari capital, Doha, where Weapons of Mass Deception was shown.
Aljazeera.net:  Why did you make this film?
Danny Schechter:  I have been a journalist since the 1960s.  And in some ways, this project grew out of a lifetime of work. I worked in radio; I worked in local television; I worked in cable news; I worked in ABC; I worked in mainstream and I worked in independent [media] so I think I had a wide range of experience.
I have also written six books about media issues, so I have had a chance to think about it more deeply; I think all that uniquely qualified me to take on this project.
Aljazeera.net:  What are you trying to do in this film?
Danny Schechter:  I try to offer some fresh insights.  I also try to speak to journalists about what this means in terms of our responsibilities to challenge and what this means in terms of democracy.
In the film, I make the suggestion that the Bush administration practices deception as part of its strategy and military strategy.
WMD accuses the US media of group think 
We know that everything they were saying about WMD (Weapons of Mass Destruction)and the link with Usama [bin Laden] were not true and many of us knew it then and we said so, but everyone was saying something different.
Now, with study after study they say it was "group think" in the intelligence community.  That's why they screwed up.
If there was group think in the intelligence community, what about the journalistic community?  There was group think there, too.
Aljazeera.net:  Are you influenced by Noam Chomsky and his theory of manufacturing consent?
Danny Schechter:  Noam Chomsky doesn't watch television; he is more of an analyst of the New York Times and elite journalism so I didn't go to him for an interview.
I was more interested in journalists who covered the war and how they were debating it.  So I feel that Chomsky had a brilliant analysis of media, but more of it is oriented toward print.  It doesn't always take into account the techniques of the media.
Aljazeera.net:  What do you think of Chomsky's critics who accuse him of overestimating the sophistication of media control, and that - in reality - it is more to do with day-to-day decisions and market forces?
Danny Schechter:  I don't buy the conspiracy theories of media.  I remember a group of Syrians came to our office and they said:  'We agree with you because we really know the Jews run everything.'  This was their analysis.  I said, excuse me, Rupert Murdoch is not Jewish the last time I looked.
You know the problem is corporate media and corporate-controlled media and how they operate within their framework.
Aljazeera.net:  What do you mean when you use the term post-journalism era?
Danny Schechter:  Journalism is at a crossroads.  There are many journalists today who still believe in the values of journalism but who are frustrated by the difficulty of practicing it because the companies they work for do not really respect journalistic principles.  What they are there to do is satisfy their bottom line concerns, they have closed bureau after bureau.
 
The film accuses the media of shutting out anti-war voices
There has been a pattern of dumbing down, and by dumbing it down it means people inside media are dumbing themselves down.  They are not asking good questions, they are not challenging official narratives the way they should be.
If you look at Fox News, there is very little journalism, very little reporting.  Mostly it is talk shows posing as news programmes and [they are] opinion driven, you have three times more pundits on air as opposed to journalists.  That's another sign of the post-journalism era.
Aljazeera.net:  Are blogs an alternative to mainstream media sources?
There are now 10 million blogs.  Of those, maybe 10% claim to be journalistic.  Some of the bloggers are very responsible, really challenging and doing investigative digging that mainstream media are not.

Some are motivated just by ideological concerns. Recently, for example, Eason Jordan, the former chief of news at CNN - when he said at Davos 12 journalists had been killed by US soldiers there was a big shock and he was forced to resign.  In that case, a blogger took an off-the-record meeting and just blasted it out there with out having a full record of what was said.
I think a lot of blogging can be very irresponsible and some of it is sponsored by political forces by the Republican party or the Democrat party and the like, so it has a political and ideological not a journalistic function.
But in my blog www.mediachannel.org what I try to do every day is take the top stories and report what is not being reported by comparing and contrasting.
Aljazeera.net:  You credit American journalists who helped you make this film.  Do you think many in the US media are sympathetic to your message?
Journalists review copies of the 9/11 Commission report
 
Danny Schechter:  Whenever I talk to people in the media off the record, including anchormen, people are very supportive, people slip me footage from various networks.  People are very helpful, but a lot of them are living in a lot of fear.  Everybody feels vulnerable, people have mortgages; they have families - it's difficult to be courageous.
Many American media people feel vulnerable and as if they are being bullied, they feel totally insecure.  In the culture of the newsroom, if you put your head up, it will get chopped off.  Everybody is getting along by going along and that's a dangerous kind of conformity.
Aljazeera.net:  If the US is involved in another war, how do you think it will be reported in the US media?  Do you think the media have learned from some of the mistakes of the Iraq war.
Danny Schechter:  The institutional practices have not changed.  I feel like the coverage of the elections was very similar to the coverage of the war.  The same templates are being used, the same approach, the lack of political scrutiny, the lack of other voices, the way things are being framed, the lack of investigative checking.
The American media reported the Iraqi elections as a great victory for democracy.  Everyone else reported them and asked Iraqis why they were voting and they said to get the Americans out and to end the occupation.  Their reasons are very different from the way it was presented on American televisions.  So we still have this propaganda system, in effect, but its credibility is starting to be questioned.  And I hope my film will contribute to that.
What I want to see is more journalists taking more responsibility for what they do and showing more solidarity when other journalists are shot and killed.
How many people in the American media protested the killing of Tariq Ayub [Aljazeera's correspondent slain in Baghdad by US fire on 8 April 2003]?  That was blatant, a completely blatant assassination and yet nobody said a word.  We need to challenge that and show more solidarity with other media workers.
          Aljazeera - Features
 
 












































































































































 
 





 
For archives, these articles are being stored on TheWE.cc website.
The purpose is to advance understandings of environmental, political,
human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues.